平津侯主父偃列傳 (Biographies of the Marquis of Pingjin and Zhufu Yan) — Chinese ink painting

Chapter 112 of 130

平津侯主父偃列傳

Biographies of the Marquis of Pingjin and Zhufu Yan

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公孫弘的崛起

The Rise of Gongsun Hong

丞相公孫弘者,齊菑川國薛縣人也,字季。少時為薛獄吏,有罪,免。家貧,牧豕海上。年四十餘,乃學春秋雜說。養後母孝謹。

建元元年,天子初即位,招賢良文學之士。是時弘年六十,徵以賢良為博士。使匈奴,還報,不合上意,上怒,以為不能,弘乃病免歸。

元光五年,有詔徵文學,菑川國復推上公孫弘。弘讓謝國人曰:「臣已嘗西應命,以不能罷歸,原更推選。」國人固推弘,弘至太常。太常令所徵儒士各對策,百餘人,弘第居下。策奏,天子擢弘對為第一。召入見,狀貌甚麗,拜為博士。是時通西南夷道,置郡,巴蜀民苦之,詔使弘視之。還奏事,盛毀西南夷無所用,上不聽。

弘為人恢奇多聞,常稱以為人主病不廣大,人臣病不儉節。弘為布被,食不重肉。後母死,服喪三年。每朝會議,開陳其端,令人主自擇,不肯面折庭爭。於是天子察其行敦厚,辯論有餘,習文法吏事,而又緣飾以儒術,上大說之。二歲中,至左內史。弘奏事,有不可,不庭辯之。嘗與主爵都尉汲黯請間,汲黯先發之,弘推其後,天子常說,所言皆聽,以此日益親貴。嘗與公卿約議,至上前,皆倍其約以順上旨。汲黯庭詰弘曰:「齊人多詐而無情實,始與臣等建此議,今皆倍之,不忠。」上問弘。弘謝曰:「夫知臣者以臣為忠,不知臣者以臣為不忠。」上然弘言。左右幸臣每毀弘,上益厚遇之。

元朔三年,張歐免,以弘為御史大夫。是時通西南夷,東置滄海,北築朔方之郡。弘數諫,以為罷敝中國以奉無用之地,原罷之。於是天子乃使硃買臣等難弘置朔方之便。發十策,弘不得一。弘乃謝曰:「山東鄙人,不知其便若是,原罷西南夷、滄海而專奉朔方。」上乃許之。

汲黯曰:「弘位在三公,奉祿甚多。然為布被,此詐也。」上問弘。弘謝曰:「有之。夫九卿與臣善者無過黯,然今日庭詰弘,誠中弘之病。夫以三公為布被,誠飾詐欲以釣名。且臣聞管仲相齊,有三歸,侈擬於君,桓公以霸,亦上僭於君。晏嬰相景公,食不重肉,妾不衣絲,齊國亦治,此下比於民。今臣弘位為御史大夫,而為布被,自九卿以下至於小吏,無差,誠如汲黯言。且無汲黯忠,陛下安得聞此言。」天子以為謙讓,愈益厚之。卒以弘為丞相,封平津侯。

弘為人意忌,外寬內深。諸嘗與弘有卻者,雖詳與善,陰報其禍。殺主父偃,徙董仲舒於膠西,皆弘之力也。食一肉脫粟之飯。故人所善賓客,仰衣食,弘奉祿皆以給之,家無所餘。士亦以此賢之。

淮南、衡山謀反,治黨與方急。弘病甚,自以為無功而封,位至丞相,宜佐明主填撫國家,使人由臣子之道。今諸侯有畔逆之計,此皆宰相奉職不稱,恐竊病死,無以塞責。乃上書曰:「臣聞天下之通道五,所以行之者三。曰君臣,父子,兄弟,夫婦,長幼之序,此五者天下之通道也。智,仁,勇,此三者天下之通德,所以行之者也。故曰'力行近乎仁,好問近乎智,知恥近乎勇'。知此三者,則知所以自治;知所以自治,然後知所以治人。天下未有不能自治而能治人者也,此百世不易之道也。今陛下躬行大孝,鑒三王,建周道,兼文武,厲賢予祿,量能授官。今臣弘罷駑之質,無汗馬之勞,陛下過意擢臣弘卒伍之中,封為列侯,致位三公。臣弘行能不足以稱,素有負薪之病,恐先狗馬填溝壑,終無以報德塞責。原歸侯印,乞骸骨,避賢者路。」天子報曰:「古者賞有功,褎有德,守成尚文,遭遇右武,未有易此者也。朕宿昔庶幾獲承尊位,懼不能寧,惟所與共為治者,君宜知之。蓋君子善善惡惡,君若謹行,常在朕躬。君不幸罹霜露之病,何恙不已,乃上書歸侯,乞骸骨,是章朕之不德也。今事少間,君其省思慮,一精神,輔以醫藥。」因賜告牛酒雜帛。居數月,病有瘳,視事。

Chancellor Gongsun Hong was from Xue County in Zichuan, Qi. In his youth he served as a prison clerk but was dismissed for an offense. Too poor to do otherwise, he herded pigs by the sea. He did not begin studying the Spring and Autumn Annals until past forty. He tenderly cared for his stepmother.

First summoned in 141 BC as a Worthy and Good candidate, he was sent as envoy to the Xiongnu but offended the emperor and was dismissed. In 130 BC, summoned again at the age of sixty, he ranked last among over a hundred scholars in the written examination — but the emperor personally elevated his essay to first place and appointed him Erudite. Hong always presented the framework of an issue and let the emperor choose the conclusion, never arguing face-to-face at court. The emperor found him learned, dutiful, and skilled at decorating bureaucratic competence with Confucian rhetoric. Within two years he became Left Secretary of the Capital.

Hong wore coarse cloth bedding and ate only one dish of meat. Ji An accused him of hypocrisy: "He holds the rank of one of the Three Excellencies with a generous salary, yet sleeps under hemp — this is fraud." Hong replied: "Ji An is right. Among the Nine Ministers, none knows my failings better. Yet Guan Zhong lived in luxury rivaling his ruler's, and Duke Huan still became hegemon. Yanzi lived in austerity, and Qi was also well governed. Now I, as Censor-in-Chief, sleep under hemp cloth so that there is no distinction between me and the lowest clerk — it is indeed as Ji An says. But without Ji An's honesty, how would Your Majesty hear such criticism?" The emperor, impressed by this humility, made him Chancellor and Marquis of Pingjin.

Notes

1person公孫弘Gōngsūn Hóng

Gongsun Hong (公孫弘, c. 200–121 BC) was the first commoner in Han history to rise to Chancellor. His apparent frugality and Confucian learning concealed a vindictive nature — he engineered the deaths of Zhufu Yan and the exile of Dong Zhongshu.

2person汲黯Jí Àn

Ji An (汲黯, d. c. 112 BC) was one of the most outspoken critics at Emperor Wu's court, famous for his blunt honesty. His confrontation with Gongsun Hong became a celebrated example of court debate.

主父偃的崛起與毀滅

The Rise and Destruction of Zhufu Yan

元狩二年,弘病,竟以丞相終。子度嗣為平津侯。度為山陽太守十餘歲,坐法失侯。

主父偃者,齊臨菑人也。學長短縱橫之術,晚乃學易、春秋、百家言。游齊諸生間,莫能厚遇也。齊諸儒生相與排擯,不容於齊。家貧,假貸無所得,乃北游燕、趙、中山,皆莫能厚遇,為客甚困。孝武元光元年中,以為諸侯莫足游者,乃西入關見衛將軍。衛將軍數言上,上不召。資用乏,留久,諸公賓客多厭之,乃上書闕下。朝奏,暮召入見。所言九事,其八事為律令,一事諫伐匈奴。其辭曰:

臣聞明主不惡切諫以博觀,忠臣不敢避重誅以直諫,是故事無遺策而功流萬世。今臣不敢隱忠避死以效愚計,原陛下幸赦而少察之。

司馬法曰:「國雖大,好戰必亡;天下雖平,忘戰必危。」天下既平,天子大凱,春蒐秋獮,諸侯春振旅,秋治兵,所以不忘戰也。且夫怒者逆德也,兵者兇器也,爭者末節也。古之人君一怒必伏屍流血,故聖王重行之。夫務戰勝窮武事者,未有不悔者也。昔秦皇帝任戰勝之威,蠶食天下,併吞戰國,海內為一,功齊三代。務勝不休,欲攻匈奴,李斯諫曰:「不可。夫匈奴無城郭之居,委積之守,遷徙鳥舉,難得而制也。輕兵深入,糧食必絕;踵糧以行,重不及事。得其地不足以為利也,遇其民不可役而守也。勝必殺之,非民父母也。靡弊中國,快心匈奴,非長策也。」秦皇帝不聽,遂使蒙恬將兵攻胡,闢地千里,以河為境。地固澤鹵,不生五穀。然後發天下丁男以守北河。暴兵露師十有餘年,死者不可勝數,終不能逾河而北。是豈人眾不足,兵革不備哉?其勢不可也。又使天下蜚芻輓粟,起於黃、腄、琅邪負海之郡,轉輸北河,率三十鍾而致一石。男子疾耕不足於糧饟,女子紡績不足於帷幕。百姓靡敝,孤寡老弱不能相養,道路死者相望,蓋天下始畔秦也。

及至高皇帝定天下,略地於邊,聞匈奴聚於代谷之外而欲擊之。御史成進諫曰:「不可。夫匈奴之性,獸聚而鳥散,從之如搏影。今以陛下盛德攻匈奴,臣竊危之。」高帝不聽,遂北至於代谷,果有平城之圍。高皇帝蓋悔之甚,乃使劉敬往結和親之約,然後天下忘干戈之事。故兵法曰「興師十萬,日費千金」。夫秦常積眾暴兵數十萬人,雖有覆軍殺將系虜單于之功,亦適足以結怨深讎,不足以償天下之費。夫上虛府庫,下敝百姓,甘心於外國,非完事也。夫匈奴難得而制,非一世也。行盜侵驅,所以為業也,天性固然。上及虞夏殷周,固弗程督,禽獸畜之,不屬為人。夫上不觀虞夏殷周之統,而下近世之失,此臣之所大憂,百姓之所疾苦也。且夫兵久則變生,事苦則慮易。乃使邊境之民弊靡愁苦而有離心,將吏相疑而外市,故尉佗、章邯得以成其私也。夫秦政之所以不行者,權分乎二子,此得失之效也。故周書曰「安危在出令,存亡在所用」。原陛下詳察之,少加意而熟慮焉。

是時趙人徐樂、齊人嚴安俱上書言世務,各一事。徐樂曰:臣聞天下之患在於土崩,不在於瓦解,古今一也。何謂土崩?秦之末世是也。陳涉無千乘之尊,尺土之地,身非王公大人名族之後,無鄉曲之譽,非有孔、墨、曾子之賢,陶硃、猗頓之富也,然起窮巷,奮棘矜,偏袒大呼而天下從風,此其故何也?由民困而主不恤,下怨而上不知,俗已亂而政不脩,此三者陳涉之所以為資也。是之謂土崩。故曰天下之患在於土崩。何謂瓦解?吳、楚、齊、趙之兵是也。七國謀為大逆,號皆稱萬乘之君,帶甲數十萬,威足以嚴其境內,財足以勸其士民,然不能西攘尺寸之地而身為禽於中原者,此其故何也?非權輕於匹夫而兵弱於陳涉也,當是之時,先帝之德澤未衰而安土樂俗之民眾,故諸侯無境外之助。此之謂瓦解,故曰天下之患不在瓦解。由是觀之,天下誠有土崩之勢,雖布衣窮處之士或首惡而危海內,陳涉是也。況三晉之君或存乎!天下雖未有大治也,誠能無土崩之勢,雖有彊國勁兵不得鏇踵而身為禽矣,吳、楚、齊、趙是也。況群臣百姓能為亂乎哉!此二體者,安危之明要也,賢主所留意而深察也。

間者關東五穀不登,年歲未復,民多窮困,重之以邊境之事,推數循理而觀之,則民且有不安其處者矣。不安故易動。易動者,土崩之勢也。故賢主獨觀萬化之原,明於安危之機,脩之廟堂之上,而銷未形之患。其要,期使天下無土崩之勢而已矣。故雖有彊國勁兵,陛下逐走獸,射蜚鳥,弘游燕之囿,淫縱恣之觀,極馳騁之樂,自若也。金石絲竹之聲不絕於耳,帷帳之私俳優侏儒之笑不乏於前,而天下無宿憂。名何必湯武,俗何必成康!雖然,臣竊以為陛下天然之聖,寬仁之資,而誠以天下為務,則湯武之名不難侔,而成康之俗可復興也。此二體者立,然後處尊安之實,揚名廣譽於當世,親天下而服四夷,餘恩遺德為數世隆,南面負扆攝袂而揖王公,此陛下之所服也。臣聞圖王不成,其敝足以安。安則陛下何求而不得,何為而不成,何征而不服乎哉!嚴安上書曰:

臣聞周有天下,其治三百餘歲,成康其隆也,刑錯四十餘年而不用。及其衰也,亦三百餘歲,故五伯更起。五伯者,常佐天子興利除害,誅暴禁邪,匡正海內,以尊天子。五伯既沒,賢聖莫續,天子孤弱,號令不行。諸侯恣行,彊陵弱,眾暴寡,田常篡齊,六卿分晉,並為戰國,此民之始苦也。於是彊國務攻,弱國備守,合從連橫,馳車擊轂,介冑生蟣虱,民無所告愬。

及至秦王,蠶食天下,併吞戰國,稱號曰皇帝,主海內之政,壞諸侯之城,銷其兵,鑄以為鍾虡,示不復用。元元黎民得免於戰國,逢明天子,人人自以為更生。鄉使秦緩其刑罰,薄賦斂,省繇役,貴仁義,賤權利,上篤厚,下智巧,變風易俗,化於海內,則世世必安矣。秦不行是風而其故俗,為智巧權利者進,篤厚忠信者退;法嚴政峻,諂諛者眾,日聞其美,意廣心軼。欲肆威海外,乃使蒙恬將兵以北攻胡,闢地進境,戍於北河,蜚芻輓粟以隨其後。又使尉屠睢將樓船之士南攻百越,使監祿鑿渠運糧,深入越,越人遁逃。曠日持久,糧食絕乏,越人擊之,秦兵大敗。秦乃使尉佗將卒以戍越。當是時,秦禍北構於胡,南掛於越,宿兵無用之地,進而不得退。行十餘年,丁男被甲,丁女轉輸,苦不聊生,自經於道樹,死者相望。及秦皇帝崩,天下大叛。陳勝、吳廣舉陳,武臣、張耳舉趙,項梁舉吳,田儋舉齊,景駒舉郢,周市舉魏,韓廣舉燕,窮山通谷豪士並起,不可勝載也。然皆非公侯之後,非長官之吏也。無尺寸之勢,起閭巷,杖棘矜,應時而皆動,不謀而俱起,不約而同會,壤長地進,至於霸王,時教使然也。秦貴為天子,富有天下,滅世絕祀者,窮兵之禍也。故周失之弱,秦失之彊,不變之患也。

今欲招南夷,朝夜郎,降羌僰,略濊州,建城邑,深入匈奴,燔其蘢城,議者美之。此人臣之利也,非天下之長策也。今中國無狗吠之驚,而外累於遠方之備,靡敝國家,非所以子民也。行無窮之欲,甘心快意,結怨於匈奴,非所以安邊也。禍結而不解,兵休而復起,近者愁苦,遠者驚駭,非所以持久也。今天下鍛甲砥劍,橋箭累弦,轉輸運糧,未見休時,此天下之所共憂也。夫兵久而變起,事煩而慮生。今外郡之地或幾千里,列城數十,形束壤制,旁脅諸侯,非公室之利也。上觀齊晉之所以亡者,公室卑削,六卿大盛也;下觀秦之所以滅者,嚴法刻深,欲大無窮也。今郡守之權,非特六卿之重也;地幾千里,非特閭巷之資也;甲兵器械,非特棘矜之用也:以遭萬世之變,則不可稱諱也。

書奏天子,天子召見三人,謂曰:「公等皆安在?何相見之晚也!」於是上乃拜主父偃、徐樂、嚴安為郎中。數見,上疏言事,詔拜偃為謁者,遷為中大夫。一歲中四遷偃。

偃說上曰:「古者諸侯不過百里,彊弱之形易制。今諸侯或連城數十,地方千里,緩則驕奢易為淫亂,急則阻其彊而合從以逆京師。今以法割削之,則逆節萌起,前日晁錯是也。今諸侯子弟或十數,而適嗣代立,餘雖骨肉,無尺寸地封,則仁孝之道不宣。原陛下令諸侯得推恩分子弟,以地侯之。彼人人喜得所原,上以德施,實分其國,不削而稍弱矣。」於是上從其計。又說上曰:「茂陵初立,天下豪桀併兼之家,亂眾之民,皆可徙茂陵,內實京師,外銷奸猾,此所謂不誅而害除。」上又從其計。

Zhufu Yan was from Linzi in Qi. He studied the arts of the Strategists and later the Changes, Spring and Autumn Annals, and Hundred Schools. Rejected by the scholars of Qi and unable to find patronage in Yan, Zhao, or Zhongshan, he traveled west to Chang'an and submitted a memorial to the emperor. He was summoned that same evening. Of his nine proposals, eight concerned legislation and one warned against attacking the Xiongnu, citing the examples of Qin's overextension under Meng Tian and the Grand Progenitor's near-disaster at Pingcheng. He was promoted four times in a single year.

Yan's most important proposal was the "push-grace" (tui'en) edict: instead of passing entire kingdoms to a single heir, feudal lords should be allowed to divide their territories among all their sons. "Each son will be delighted to receive his share. Your Majesty appears to grant a favor, while in reality dividing the kingdoms — they will weaken without being cut." The emperor adopted this policy, which peacefully dismantled the great feudal kingdoms over the following decades.

Yan grew arrogant, accepting gold from feudal lords and boasting: "I studied and traveled for forty years. My own parents did not treat me as a son; my brothers rejected me; my friends abandoned me. A man who does not eat from five bronze cauldrons in life will be boiled in five cauldrons in death. It is late in the day and the road is far — so I act in reverse and with force."

Sent as Chancellor of Qi, he exposed the king's incestuous relationship with his sister. The king committed suicide. Meanwhile, the King of Zhao sent accusations that Yan had accepted bribes. When the emperor learned the King of Qi had killed himself, he was furious. Gongsun Hong argued: "If Yan is not executed, there is no way to answer the realm." Yan's entire clan was destroyed.

When Yan was powerful, a thousand guests attended him. After his execution, only Kong Che of Xiao collected and buried his body. The emperor later heard this and considered Kong Che a man of integrity.

Notes

1person主父偃Zhǔfù Yān

Zhufu Yan (主父偃, d. 126 BC) was a brilliant strategist whose 'push-grace' policy (推恩令) peacefully dissolved the great feudal kingdoms — one of the most consequential policies in Han history. Yet his personal arrogance and corruption led to his destruction.

2context

The 'push-grace' edict was arguably the single most important domestic policy of Emperor Wu's reign. By encouraging feudal lords to subdivide their territories among all sons rather than passing them intact to the eldest, it achieved through gentle incentives what Chao Cuo's forced reductions had failed to accomplish — the end of autonomous feudal power.

太史公論贊

The Grand Historian's Appraisal

尊立衛皇后,及發燕王定國陰事,蓋偃有功焉。大臣皆畏其口,賂遺累千金。人或說偃曰:「太橫矣。」主父曰:「臣結髮遊學四十餘年,身不得遂,親不以為子,昆弟不收,賓客棄我,我戹日久矣。且丈夫生不五鼎食,死即五鼎烹耳。吾日暮途遠,故倒行暴施之。」

偃盛言朔方地肥饒,外阻河,蒙恬城之以逐匈奴,內省轉輸戍漕,廣中國,滅胡之本也。上覽其說,下公卿議,皆言不便。公孫弘曰:「秦時常發三十萬眾筑北河,終不可就,已而棄之。」主父偃盛言其便,上竟用主父計,立朔方郡。

元朔二年,主父言齊王內淫佚行僻,上拜主父為齊相。至齊,遍召昆弟賓客,散五百金予之,數之曰:「始吾貧時,昆弟不我衣食,賓客不我內門;今吾相齊,諸君迎我或千里。吾與諸君絕矣,毋復入偃之門!」乃使人以王與姊奸事動王,王以為終不得脫罪,恐效燕王論死,乃自殺。有司以聞。

主父始為布衣時,嘗游燕、趙,及其貴,發燕事。趙王恐其為國患,欲上書言其陰事,為偃居中,不敢發。及為齊相,出關,即使人上書,告言主父偃受諸侯金,以故諸侯子弟多以得封者。及齊王自殺,上聞大怒,以為主父劫其王令自殺,乃徵下吏治。主父服受諸侯金,實不劫王令自殺。上欲勿誅,是時公孫弘為御史大夫,乃言曰:「齊王自殺無後,國除為郡,入漢,主父偃本首惡,陛下不誅主父偃,無以謝天下。」乃遂族主父偃。

主父方貴幸時,賓客以千數,及其族死,無一人收者,唯獨洨孔車收葬之。天子後聞之,以為孔車長者也。

太史公曰:公孫弘行義雖脩,然亦遇時。漢興八十餘年矣,上方鄉文學,招俊乂,以廣儒墨,弘為舉首。主父偃當路,諸公皆譽之,及名敗身誅,士爭言其惡。悲夫!

太皇太后詔大司徒大司空:「蓋聞治國之道,富民為始;富民之要,在於節儉。孝經曰'安上治民,莫善於禮'。'禮,與奢也寧儉'。昔者管仲相齊桓,霸諸侯,有九合一匡之功,而仲尼謂之不知禮,以其奢泰侈擬於君故也。夏禹卑宮室,惡衣服,後聖不循。由此言之,治之盛也,德優矣,莫高於儉。儉化俗民,則尊卑之序得,而骨肉之恩親,爭訟之原息。斯乃家給人足,刑錯之本也歟?可不務哉!夫三公者,百寮之率,萬民之表也。未有樹直表而得曲影者也。孔子不云乎,'子率而正,孰敢不正'。'舉善而教不能則勸'。維漢興以來,股肱宰臣身行儉約,輕財重義,較然著明,未有若故丞相平津侯公孫弘者也。位在丞相而為布被,脫粟之飯,不過一肉。故人所善賓客皆分奉祿以給之,無有所餘。誠內自克約而外從制。汲黯詰之,乃聞於朝,此可謂減於制度而可施行者也。德優則行,否則止,與內奢泰而外為詭服以釣虛譽者殊科。以病乞骸骨,孝武皇帝即制曰'賞有功,襃有德,善善惡惡,君宜知之。其省思慮,存精神,輔以醫藥'。賜告治病,牛酒雜帛。居數月,有瘳,視事。至元狩二年,竟以善終於相位。夫知臣莫若君,此其效也。弘子度嗣爵,後為山陽太守,坐法失侯。夫表德章義,所以率俗厲化,聖王之制,不易之道也。其賜弘後子孫之次當為後者爵關內侯,食邑三百戶,徵詣公車,上名尚書,朕親臨拜焉。」

班固稱曰:公孫弘、卜式、兒寬皆以鴻漸之翼困於燕雀,遠跡羊豕之間,非遇其時,焉能致此位乎?是時漢興六十餘載,海內乂安,府庫充實,而四夷未賓,制度多闕,上方欲用文武,求之如弗及。始以蒲輪迎枚生,見主父而嘆息。群臣慕鄉,異人並出。卜式試於芻牧,弘羊擢於賈豎,衛青奮於奴僕,日磾出於降虜,斯亦曩時版築飯牛之朋矣。漢之得人,於茲為盛。儒雅則公孫弘、董仲舒、兒寬,篤行則石建、石慶,質直則汲黯、卜式,推賢則韓安國、鄭當時,定令則趙禹、張湯,文章則司馬遷、相如,滑稽則東方朔、枚皋,應對則嚴助、硃買臣,歷數則唐都、落下閎,協律則李延年,運籌則桑弘羊,奉使則張騫、蘇武,將帥則衛青、霍去病,受遺則霍光、金日磾。其餘不可勝紀。是以興造功業,制度遺文,後世莫及。孝宣承統,纂脩洪業,亦講論六,招選茂異,而蕭望之、梁丘賀、夏侯勝、韋玄成、嚴彭祖、尹更始以儒術進,劉向、王襃以文章顯。將相則張安世、趙充國、魏相、邴吉、於定國、杜延年,治民則黃霸、王成、龔遂、鄭弘、邵信臣、韓延壽、尹翁歸、趙廣漢之屬,皆有功跡見述於後。累其名臣,亦其次也。

平津巨儒,晚年始遇。外示寬儉,內懷嫉妒。寵備榮爵,身受肺腑。主父推恩,觀時設度。生食五鼎,死非時蠹。

The Grand Historian remarks: Gongsun Hong's conduct was cultivated, but he also benefited from timing. When the Han had been established for over eighty years and the emperor was turning toward scholarship, Hong was the first to be elevated. Zhufu Yan, when he held the road, was praised by all; when his name was ruined and he was executed, men competed to denounce him. How sad!

Notes

1context

Sima Qian's terse appraisal carries a sharp edge. The observation that everyone praised Zhufu Yan when powerful and condemned him when fallen is a commentary on court sycophancy. The chapter's pairing of Hong (who destroyed others through intrigue) with Yan (who was destroyed by his own arrogance) creates a study in the different paths to political ruin.

Edition & Source

Text
《史記》 Shiji
Edition
中華古詩文古書籍網 transcription
Commentary
裴駰《史記集解》、司馬貞《史記索隱》、張守節《史記正義》(Three Commentaries)