六國年表 (Chronological Table of the Six States) — Chinese ink painting

Chapter 15 of 130

六國年表

Chronological Table of the Six States

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序(上):秦之興與六國之變

Preface (Part I): The Rise of Qin and the Transformation of the Six States

太史公讀秦記,至犬戎敗幽王,周東徙洛邑,秦襄公始封為諸侯,作西畤用事上帝,僭端見矣。禮曰:「天子祭天地,諸侯祭其域內名山大川。」今秦雜戎翟之俗,先暴戾,後仁義,位在籓臣而臚於郊祀,君子懼焉。及文公逾隴,攘夷狄,尊陳寶,營岐雍之間,而穆公脩政,東竟至河,則與齊桓、晉文中國侯伯侔矣。是後陪臣執政,大夫世祿,六卿擅晉權,征伐會盟,威重於諸侯。及田常殺簡公而相齊國,諸侯晏然弗討,海內爭於戰功矣。三國終之卒分晉,田和亦滅齊而有之,六國之盛自此始。務在彊兵並敵,謀詐用而從衡短長之說起。矯稱出,誓盟不信,雖置質剖符猶不能約束也。秦始小國僻遠,諸夏賓之,比於戎翟,至獻公之後常雄諸侯。論秦之德義不如魯衛之暴戾者,量秦之兵不如三晉之彊也,然卒並天下,非必險固便形埶利也,蓋若天所助焉。

The Grand Historian read the Annals of Qin. When he reached the point where the Quanrong barbarians defeated King You, and the Zhou court fled east to Luoyi, Duke Xiang of Qin was for the first time enfeoffed as a feudal lord. He built the Western Altar and performed sacrifices to the Supreme Deity — and there the seeds of usurpation became visible. The Rites state: "The Son of Heaven sacrifices to Heaven and Earth; the feudal lords sacrifice to the famous mountains and great rivers within their own domains." Yet Qin, steeped in the customs of the Rong and Di barbarians, placed force before benevolence, and though it held the rank of a mere border vassal, it presumed to carry out the suburban sacrifices reserved for the king. This alarmed men of principle.

By the time Duke Wen crossed the Long Mountains, drove back the barbarian peoples, honored the sacred treasure of Chen, and established his rule in the region between Qi and Yong — and then Duke Mu refined his governance and extended his eastern border all the way to the Yellow River — Qin had become the equal of Duke Huan of Qi and Duke Wen of Jin among the hegemons of the Central States. After that era, subordinate ministers seized power, grandees held hereditary stipends, and the Six Ministers monopolized authority in Jin, conducting military campaigns and convening covenants with a prestige that overawed the feudal lords. Then Tian Chang assassinated Duke Jian and made himself chancellor of Qi, yet the feudal lords sat calmly by and did not punish him — the whole realm was now consumed with the competition for military glory. In the end, the three families partitioned Jin, and Tian He likewise extinguished the old house of Qi and took it for his own. The ascendancy of the Six States began from this point.

Their sole concern was strengthening their armies and annexing their rivals. Cunning and deceit prevailed; the doctrines of Vertical and Horizontal alliances arose. Fraudulent claims abounded; sworn covenants went unheeded — even the exchange of hostages and the splitting of tallies could no longer bind men to their word. Qin began as a small, remote state. The Central States treated it as a guest and classed it with the barbarians. Yet from the time of Duke Xian onward, Qin consistently dominated the feudal lords. If one judges Qin's virtue and righteousness, it does not compare even to the cruelty of Lu and Wei; if one measures Qin's military strength, it was not equal to that of the Three Jin states. Yet in the end it unified all under Heaven. This was not simply because of its strategic terrain and defensible positions — it was as if Heaven itself had come to its aid.

Notes

1person司馬遷Sīmǎ Qiān

The Grand Historian (太史公) is Sima Qian referring to himself in his official capacity. As Prefect Grand Historian (太史令) under Emperor Wu of Han, he completed the Shiji around 94 BC. The self-referential 'Grand Historian says...' formula is his distinctive authorial voice throughout the work.

2context

The 'Annals of Qin' (秦記) were the official chronicle of the state of Qin, the only state-level historical record to survive the Qin dynasty's burning of books in 213 BC. Sima Qian repeatedly laments that these annals were terse and omitted dates, making precise chronology difficult.

3context

In 771 BC, the Quanrong (犬戎) barbarians sacked the Western Zhou capital at Hao (near modern Xi'an), killing King You. His successor King Ping moved the capital east to Luoyi (modern Luoyang), marking the beginning of the Eastern Zhou period and the decline of royal authority. Duke Xiang of Qin was rewarded for escorting the Zhou king eastward by being granted the old Zhou homeland in the Wei River valley — territory the Zhou themselves could no longer defend.

4context

The Western Altar (西畤) was a sacrificial site where Duke Xiang of Qin performed the jiao sacrifice (郊祀) to the Supreme Deity (上帝), a rite properly reserved for the Son of Heaven alone. Sima Qian identifies this act of ritual usurpation — not any military conquest — as the moment Qin's imperial ambitions first became visible. The character 僭 (jiàn, 'to usurp, to overstep') carries strong moral censure.

5person秦文公Qín Wén Gōng

Duke Wen of Qin (秦文公, r. 765–716 BC) expanded Qin westward over the Long Mountains into Gansu, subjugating barbarian peoples. The 'sacred treasure of Chen' (陳寶) was a miraculous stone, said to be a pheasant that transformed into stone, discovered during his reign. It became a state talisman.

6person秦穆公Qín Mù Gōng

Duke Mu of Qin (秦穆公, r. 659–621 BC) was one of the Five Hegemons of the Spring and Autumn period. He extended Qin's eastern frontier to the Yellow River, sponsored the return of Duke Wen to Jin, and conquered twelve barbarian states to the west. He is paired here with Duke Huan of Qi and Duke Wen of Jin as the great hegemons who maintained interstate order through personal authority.

7context

The Six Ministers (六卿) of Jin — the Zhi, Zhao, Han, Wei, Fan, and Zhonghang families — gradually arrogated the power of the Jin ducal house during the late Spring and Autumn period. After the Fan and Zhonghang were eliminated and the Zhi were destroyed in 453 BC, the remaining three families (Zhao, Han, Wei) formally partitioned Jin in 403 BC. This event, along with Tian Chang's usurpation in Qi, is traditionally taken as the starting point of the Warring States period.

8person田常Tián Cháng

Tian Chang (田常, also known as Chen Heng 陳恆) assassinated Duke Jian of Qi in 481 BC and installed a puppet ruler. His descendants ruled Qi as de facto regents until Tian He formally replaced the Jiang-surnamed house and was recognized as a feudal lord by the Zhou king in 386 BC. This dynastic usurpation transformed Qi from an ancient state founded by Jiang Ziya into the Tian-Qi regime.

9context

Vertical and Horizontal (從衡, also written 縱橫) alliances were the two grand strategies of Warring States diplomacy. The Vertical alliance (合縱) linked the six states from north to south against Qin; the Horizontal alliance (連橫) was Qin's counter-strategy of bilateral deals to break up the coalition. Su Qin and Zhang Yi were the most famous advocates of these rival doctrines.

10person秦獻公Qín Xiàn Gōng

Duke Xian of Qin (秦獻公, r. 384–362 BC) initiated the reforms that transformed Qin into a centralized military state. His son Duke Xiao continued these reforms by appointing Shang Yang (商鞅), whose legalist program of universal military conscription, meritocratic rewards, and severe punishments gave Qin a decisive structural advantage over the other states.

11context

The comparison with Lu (魯) and Wei (衛) is pointed: these were small, weak states associated with Confucian virtue and ritual propriety (Confucius was from Lu). Sima Qian's argument is that Qin's success cannot be explained by either moral virtue or raw military strength alone — a conclusion that borders on historical fatalism, attributing Qin's triumph to something like the Mandate of Heaven.

序(中):東始西成之理

Preface (Part II): The Principle that Things Begin in the East and Reach Fruition in the West

或曰「東方物所始生,西方物之成孰」。夫作事者必於東南,收功實者常於西北。故禹興於西羌,湯起於亳,周之王也以豐鎬伐殷,秦之帝用雍州興,漢之興自蜀漢。秦既得意,燒天下詩書,諸侯史記尤甚,為其有所刺譏也。詩書所以復見者,多藏人家,而史記獨藏周室,以故滅。惜哉,惜哉!獨有秦記,又不載日月,其文略不具。然戰國之權變亦有可頗采者,何必上古。秦取天下多暴,然世異變,成功大。傳曰「法後王」,何也?以其近己而俗變相類,議卑而易行也。學者牽於所聞,見秦在帝位日淺,不察其終始,因舉而笑之,不敢道,此與以耳食無異。悲夫!

Some say: "In the east, things are first born; in the west, things reach their ripeness." Indeed, those who initiate great enterprises do so in the southeast, while those who reap the harvest of success are usually in the northwest. Thus Yu arose among the Western Qiang; Tang rose from Bo; the Zhou kings used Feng and Hao as their base to overthrow the Yin; the Qin emperors rose to power from Yongzhou; and the Han dynasty arose from Shu-Han.

After Qin achieved its ambitions, it burned the Poetry and Documents of the entire realm, and was especially thorough in destroying the historical records of the feudal lords — because those records contained criticisms and satire. The Poetry and Documents were able to resurface because many copies had been hidden in private households. But the state-level historical records had been stored solely in the Zhou royal archives, and so they perished. What a pity! What a pity! Only the Annals of Qin survived, and even those did not record dates — the text was sparse and incomplete.

Nevertheless, the stratagems and adaptations of the Warring States period contain much that is worth collecting. Why must we confine ourselves to high antiquity? Qin's seizure of all under Heaven was indeed violent, but the age was one of transformation, and the achievement was great. The Tradition says: "Take the later kings as your model." Why? Because they are close to our own time, the changes in customs resemble our own, and their policies are humble enough to be put into practice. Scholars, chained to what they have been taught, see only that Qin sat on the imperial throne for a brief span; they do not examine its beginning and end. They simply point and laugh, and dare not speak of it. This is no different from 'eating with one's ears' — accepting hearsay in place of genuine knowledge. How lamentable!

Notes

1context

The 'east begins, west completes' formula (東方物所始生,西方物之成孰) draws on cosmological thinking rooted in the Five Phases (五行) system, where east corresponds to spring and the birth of things, while west corresponds to autumn and their harvest. Sima Qian uses this framework to explain a recurring pattern in Chinese history: civilizational energy originates in the eastern plains but political unification consistently comes from western powers.

2context

The historical examples span the entire mythological and historical timeline: Yu (大禹) tamed the floods from the western Qiang region; Tang of Shang rose from Bo (modern Shangqiu, Henan — actually east, which slightly strains the east-west thesis); the Zhou conquered from their western base at Feng and Hao near modern Xi'an; Qin unified from the far west; and the Han founder Liu Bang launched his campaign from Shu (Sichuan) and Hanzhong. This last example is notable because Sima Qian was writing under the Han dynasty, lending the pattern a sense of cosmic inevitability.

3context

The burning of the books (焚書) in 213 BC, ordered by the First Emperor on the advice of Chancellor Li Si, targeted the Poetry (詩), Documents (書), and the historical records of the feudal states. Sima Qian's grief here is both personal and professional: as Grand Historian, the destruction of these archives was a catastrophe for his life's work. He repeatedly notes throughout the Shiji that his chronology for the Warring States period is unreliable because of this loss.

4context

'Take the later kings as your model' (法後王) is attributed to Xunzi (荀子), who argued that the sage-kings of recent memory were more relevant guides to governance than the legendary emperors of remote antiquity (the position of 'modeling the former kings,' 法先王, championed by Mencius). Sima Qian deploys this argument to defend his focus on the Warring States and Qin dynasty against Confucian scholars who dismissed that era as morally degenerate and therefore unworthy of study.

5translation

'Eating with one's ears' (以耳食) means accepting hearsay as truth without personal investigation — like eating through one's ears rather than one's mouth. This vivid metaphor, original to Sima Qian, became a lasting Chinese idiom (耳食之言). It captures his frustration with scholars who dismiss the Qin achievement on ideological grounds without examining the evidence.

序(下):著表之旨

Preface (Part III): The Purpose of Compiling the Chronological Tables

余於是因秦記,踵春秋之後,起周元王,表六國時事,訖二世,凡二百七十年,著諸所聞興壞之端。後有君子,以覽觀焉。

Therefore I have taken the Annals of Qin as my basis and, following on from where the Spring and Autumn Annals leave off, beginning with King Yuan of Zhou, I have tabulated the events of the Six States down to the Second Emperor of Qin — a span of two hundred and seventy years in all — recording the causes of rise and ruin as they have come down to me. Should gentlemen of later ages wish to survey and examine them, this is here for their use.

Notes

1context

King Yuan of Zhou (周元王, r. 475–469 BC) is the starting point because his accession roughly coincides with the traditional beginning of the Warring States period and immediately follows the end of the Spring and Autumn Annals (which concludes in 481 or 479 BC, depending on the tradition). The Second Emperor (二世) is Qin Er Shi (秦二世, Huhai, r. 210–207 BC), whose reign saw the collapse of the Qin dynasty. The span of 'two hundred and seventy years' thus covers 475–207 BC.

2context

This brief closing paragraph is characteristic of Sima Qian's historiographical method. He positions his work as a continuation of the Confucian canonical Spring and Autumn Annals (春秋), lending it moral and scholarly authority. The phrase 'causes of rise and ruin' (興壞之端) encapsulates the Shiji's central purpose: not merely to record events but to illuminate the patterns underlying dynastic success and failure.

3context

The actual chronological tables that follow this preface (omitted in most text transcriptions, including the source used here) are a massive multi-column grid tracking events year by year across seven states (Qin, Wei, Han, Zhao, Chu, Yan, Qi) plus the Zhou royal house. This tabular format was one of Sima Qian's innovations in Chinese historiography, allowing readers to see contemporaneous events across different states at a glance — a precursor to comparative chronology.

Edition & Source

Text
《史記》 Shiji
Edition
中華古詩文古書籍網 transcription
Commentary
裴駰《史記集解》、司馬貞《史記索隱》、張守節《史記正義》(Three Commentaries)