八說

To act on private interests for old acquaintances is called 'not abandoning friends.' To distribute public wealth is called 'being benevolent.' To value one's person above one's salary is called 'being a gentleman.' To bend the law to favor relatives is called 'having integrity.' To abandon one's office to indulge one's associates is called 'being chivalrous.' To withdraw from the world and defy superiors is called 'being lofty.' To quarrel and disobey orders is called 'being firm.' To bestow favors to win over the masses is called 'winning the people.'

But 'not abandoning friends' means officials harbor corruption. 'Being benevolent' means public wealth is depleted. 'Being a gentleman' means the people become difficult to employ. 'Having integrity' means the legal system is destroyed. 'Being chivalrous' means official posts go unfilled. 'Being lofty' means the people refuse to serve. 'Being firm' means orders are not carried out. 'Winning the people' means the ruler is left isolated.

These eight are the private praises of common men, but the great defeats of the ruler. The opposite of these eight are the private slanders of common men, but the public benefits of the ruler. If the ruler does not examine what benefits and harms the altars of state, and instead follows the private judgments of common men, it is impossible to keep the state free from danger and disorder.

Appointing men to tasks is the pivot between survival and ruin, order and chaos. Without techniques for appointing men, there is no appointment that does not end in failure. Those whom a ruler appoints are either the eloquently clever or the morally upright.

To appoint a man is to give him power. A clever man is not necessarily trustworthy -- precisely because he has much cunning, his trustworthiness becomes doubtful. If the schemes of a clever man are combined with the resources of an empowered position and directed toward his private interests, the ruler will certainly be deceived. Because the clever cannot be trusted, one might instead appoint the morally upright to make decisions. But the upright are not necessarily clever -- precisely because they are pure in conduct, their judgment becomes doubtful. If a man of muddled understanding occupies an office that governs affairs and acts according to his limited comprehension, affairs will certainly fall into disorder.

Thus without techniques for employing men, appointing the clever leads to the ruler being deceived, and appointing the upright leads to the ruler's affairs falling into disorder. This is the disaster of having no techniques. The way of the enlightened ruler is to minimize the value placed on moral reputation: subordinates must answer to superiors, decisions must be verified through cross-checking, and channels of information must have no gatekeepers. Thus the clever cannot practice deception. He calculates merit and bestows rewards accordingly, measures ability and assigns tasks accordingly, examines the beginnings and observes the outcomes -- those with faults are punished, those with ability are advanced. Thus the foolish are not entrusted with affairs. When the clever dare not deceive and the foolish are not empowered to decide, then no affair will miscarry.

What only the discerning can understand cannot be made into ordinances, for the people are not all discerning. What only the worthy can practice cannot be made into the law, for the people are not all worthy. Yang Zhu and Mo Di were the most discerning minds All-Under-Heaven has known, yet they dried up the age with confusion and ultimately settled nothing -- however discerning, they cannot serve as models for official ordinances. Bao Jiao and Hua Jiao were the worthiest men All-Under-Heaven has known, yet Bao Jiao withered like a dead tree and Hua Jiao threw himself into the river -- however worthy, they cannot serve as soldiers for plowing and fighting.

When the ruler values discernment, clever men exhaust their sophistries before him. When the ruler honors ability, capable men exhaust their conduct before him. But when a ruler of today values useless eloquence and honors conduct far removed from practical achievement, it is impossible to make the state rich and strong. However broadly learned and eloquently clever a man may be, like Confucius and Mozi -- if Confucius and Mozi do not plow and weed, what does the state gain? However filial and ascetic a man may be, like Zeng Shen and Shi Qiu -- if Zeng Shen and Shi Qiu do not fight battles, what profit does the state receive?

The common man has his private conveniences; the ruler has the public benefit. To be fed without working and to be famous without serving -- these are private conveniences. To suppress literary learning and clarify legal standards, to block private conveniences and unify all effort toward merit -- these are the public benefit. If you establish the law to guide the people but also prize literary learning, then the people become confused about what standard to follow. If you reward merit to encourage the people but also honor cultivated conduct, then the people become lazy in their productive work. To prize literary learning so as to cast doubt on the law, and to honor cultivated conduct so as to divide the people's effort from merit -- seeking the state's wealth and strength under these conditions is impossible.

Holding jade tablets and ceremonial axes cannot match the utility of iron-tipped weapons. Ascending and descending with ritual decorum cannot match the output of a hundred tasks completed by midday. Shooting at archery targets with the 'Fox Head' ode cannot match the rapid fire of powerful crossbows. Shield walls blocking battering rams cannot match the effectiveness of tunneling and bellows attacks.

The ancients were devoted to moral virtue; the middle age pursued cunning; the present age competes through strength. In ancient times, affairs were few and preparations simple -- things were crude and incomplete, so there were men who used shell-decorated hoes and pushed carts. In ancient times, people were few and treated each other with affection, goods were plentiful and profit was lightly regarded and easily yielded -- so there were those who passed All-Under-Heaven to another with a bow and a gesture.

But to practice polite yielding, to exalt kindness and generosity, and to preach benevolence and magnanimity -- all these belong to the politics of the pushcart age. To live in a time of many affairs yet use the tools of a time of few affairs is not the preparation of the wise. To face an age of great contention yet follow the track of polite yielding is not the governance of the sage. Therefore the wise do not ride pushcarts, and the sage does not practice pushcart politics.

The law is the means to regulate affairs; affairs are the means to establish merit. Establishing a law brings difficulties; if one weighs those difficulties and the affair can still be accomplished, then establish it. Accomplishing an affair brings harms; if one weighs those harms and the merit exceeds them, then carry it out. A law without difficulty and an achievement without harm -- these do not exist under Heaven.

Thus, to storm a city of a thousand zhang, to defeat an army of a hundred thousand, incurring casualties among one's own chariots, with armor and weapons broken and soldiers killed and wounded -- yet to celebrate the victory and territorial gains: this is because one weighs the small harm against the great benefit. When one washes one's hair, some hair falls out; when one lances a wound, blood and flesh are injured. If upon seeing the difficulty one abandons the task entirely, that is the conduct of one without technique.

An ancient sage once said: 'The compass has friction and water has waves -- I would change this, but what can be done!' This is the language of one who understands trade-offs. Thus there are arguments that sound compelling but are impractical, and there are words that are clumsily phrased but urgently useful. The sage does not seek words free of all harm; he devotes himself to affairs that cannot be altered.

The reason people do not tamper with the balance and weights is not that they are so upright and incorruptible that they scorn profit -- it is that the stone weight cannot be made heavier or lighter for any man, and the balance cannot be tipped for any man. Since one cannot gain advantage from them, people do not tamper with them. In the state of an enlightened ruler, officials dare not bend the law, clerks dare not pursue private profit, and bribery does not circulate -- because all affairs within the borders are as precise as the balance and weights. Under such conditions, any minister who harbors treachery will certainly be detected, and once detected will certainly be punished. Thus the ruler who possesses the Way does not seek incorruptible officials; he devotes himself to the techniques that make detection certain.

A loving mother's affection for her young child knows no bounds. Yet when the child misbehaves, she sends him to a teacher; when the child falls gravely ill, she sends him to a physician. If he does not follow the teacher, he will end in punishment; if he does not see the physician, his life is in doubt. However much the loving mother cares, her love alone cannot save the child from punishment or death -- therefore what preserves the child is not love.

Between mother and child, the natural bond is love. Between minister and ruler, the relationship is one of strategic calculation. If a mother cannot preserve her household through love alone, how can a ruler maintain his state through love? The enlightened ruler understands that the path to wealth and power is what enables him to achieve his aims. Therefore careful attention to governance is the method of wealth and power. Clarify the laws and prohibitions; scrutinize the plans and calculations. When the law is clear, there is no danger of internal upheaval. When calculations are sound, there is no disaster of death and capture abroad.

Thus what preserves the state is not benevolence and righteousness. The benevolent man is kind, generous, and free with wealth. The violent man is hard-hearted and quick to execute. Kindness leads to an inability to bear harshness; generosity leads to bestowing unearned gifts. Hard-heartedness makes hatred visible to those below; quickness to execute means arbitrary killing falls upon the people. An inability to bear harshness means punishments are frequently pardoned; bestowing unearned gifts means rewards are given without merit. When hatred is visible, the people below resent those above; when killing is arbitrary, the people will rebel.

Thus when a benevolent man holds power, those below grow reckless and lightly violate prohibitions and laws, seeking unearned advantage from their ruler. When a violent man holds power, ordinances become arbitrary and ruler and minister diverge, the people grow resentful and thoughts of rebellion arise. Therefore it is said: both the benevolent and the violent bring ruin to the state.

If you cannot provide a fine meal but merely urge a starving man to eat, you cannot be said to have saved the starving man. If you cannot clear wasteland and grow grain but merely urge loans, gifts, and bestowals, you cannot be said to have enriched the people.

The words of today's scholars do not attend to fundamental production but delight in trivial affairs. They invoke hollow sagehood to persuade the people. This is the 'urging to eat' school of persuasion. The enlightened ruler does not accept the 'urging to eat' school.

When texts are brief, the disciples dispute their meaning. When laws are sparse, the people's litigation is simple. Therefore the sage's writings must be composed as clear expositions, and the enlightened ruler's laws must cover all affairs in detail.

To exhaust one's deliberation and calculate gains and losses -- this is what the clever find difficult. To proceed without deliberation, simply holding men to their prior words and demanding subsequent results -- this is what the foolish find easy. The enlightened ruler takes what the foolish find easy and uses it to hold the clever accountable for what they find difficult. Thus without expending clever deliberation or laborious effort, the state is well governed.

If sour, sweet, salty, and bland are not judged by one's own palate but decided by the chief steward, then the cooks will treat the ruler lightly and defer to the steward. If high, low, pure, and muddled tones are not judged by one's own ears but decided by the Master of Music, then the blind musicians will treat the ruler lightly and defer to the Master of Music. If the rights and wrongs of governing the state are not decided by techniques but left to favorites, then the ministers will treat the ruler lightly and defer to the favorites.

A ruler who does not personally observe and listen, but allows the power of decision to rest with those below, is merely a dependent feeding off his own state.

If men could go without clothing and food yet never hunger or freeze, and moreover did not fear death, they would have no reason to serve a superior. If their desires are not governed by the ruler, they cannot be employed. When the handle of life and death rests in the hands of great ministers, there has never been a case where the ruler's orders were carried out.

A tiger or leopard that does not use its claws and teeth will have no more authority than a field mouse. A family of ten thousand in gold that does not deploy its wealth will have no more resources than a gatekeeper. A ruler who possesses territory, yet who cannot benefit those he favors and cannot harm those he detests -- to expect people to fear and respect him is impossible.

When a minister acts freely and indulges his desires, it is called 'chivalry.' When the ruler acts freely and indulges his desires, it is called 'disorder.' When a minister treats his superiors lightly, it is called 'pride.' When the ruler treats those below him lightly, it is called 'tyranny.' The conduct is the same in substance, yet the one below receives praise while the one above receives blame. The minister's great gain is the ruler's great loss.

In the state of an enlightened ruler, there are honored ministers but no powerful ministers. Honored ministers are those whose rank is high and whose office is great. Powerful ministers are those whose words are heeded and whose influence is extensive.

In the state of an enlightened ruler, promotions follow a sequence of grades, and official rank is awarded for merit -- therefore there are honored ministers. Words that do not accord with performance and contain falsity are punished without exception -- therefore there are no powerful ministers.