楚世家 (Hereditary House of Chu) — Chinese ink painting

Chapter 40 of 130

楚世家

Hereditary House of Chu

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楚之先祖

Legendary Ancestors of Chu

楚之先祖出自帝顓頊高陽。高陽者,黃帝之孫,昌意之子也。高陽生稱,稱生卷章,卷章生重黎。重黎為帝嚳高辛居火正,甚有功,能光融天下,帝嚳命曰祝融。共工氏作亂,帝嚳使重黎誅之而不盡。帝乃以庚寅日誅重黎,而以其弟吳回為重黎後,復居火正,為祝融。

吳回生陸終。陸終生子六人,坼剖而產焉。其長一曰昆吾;二曰參胡;三曰彭祖;四曰會人;五曰曹姓;六曰季連,琇姓,楚其後也。昆吾氏,夏之時嘗為侯伯,桀之時湯滅之。彭祖氏,殷之時嘗為侯伯,殷之末世滅彭祖氏。季連生附沮,附沮生穴熊。其後中微,或在中國,或在蠻夷,弗能紀其世。

The ancestors of Chu descended from Emperor Zhuanxu, known as Gaoyang. Gaoyang was the grandson of the Yellow Emperor and the son of Changyi. Gaoyang fathered Cheng; Cheng fathered Juanzhang; Juanzhang fathered Zhongli. Zhongli served Emperor Ku (Gaoxin) as Master of Fire and rendered great merit, illuminating all under heaven, so Emperor Ku bestowed on him the title Zhurong, 'Blesser of Fire.' When the Gonggong clan rebelled, Emperor Ku ordered Zhongli to exterminate them, but Zhongli failed to finish the task. The emperor therefore executed Zhongli on a gengyin day and appointed his younger brother Wu Hui as Zhongli's successor, restoring him to the office of Master of Fire with the title Zhurong.

Wu Hui fathered Lu Zhong. Lu Zhong had six sons, all born by being cut from the womb. The eldest was Kunwu; the second, Canhu; the third, Pengzu; the fourth, Huiren; the fifth bore the surname Cao; and the sixth was Jilian, who bore the surname Xiu — Chu descended from his line. The Kunwu clan served as marquises and earls during the Xia dynasty, and King Tang of Shang destroyed them during the reign of Jie. The Pengzu clan served as marquises and earls during the Yin (Shang) dynasty and were destroyed in its final age. Jilian fathered Fuju; Fuju fathered Xuexiong. After this the line declined, its members scattered between the Central States and the barbarian regions, and their genealogy can no longer be traced.

Notes

1person顎頊Zhuānxū

Emperor Zhuanxu (顎頊), also called Gaoyang (高陽), is one of the legendary Five Emperors of high antiquity. By claiming descent from him, Chu's royal house asserted a lineage reaching back to the Yellow Emperor himself.

2context

Zhurong (祝融) was the divine title for the Master of Fire (火正), one of the most important ritual offices in high antiquity. The Chu ruling house traced its sacral authority to this position. Zhurong later became a deity of fire in Chinese religion.

3context

The six sons of Lu Zhong 'born by cutting open the womb' (坼剖而產) is a mythological birth narrative. Jilian (季連), the sixth son, is the direct ancestor of the Chu royal house. The surname 琅 (Xiu) later became the Chu royal surname, conventionally written as 芎 (Mǐ).

鬻熊事文王與熊繹受封

Yuxiong Serves King Wen; Xiong Yi Receives Enfeoffment

周文王之時,季連之苗裔曰鬻熊。鬻熊子事文王,蚤卒。其子曰熊麗。熊麗生熊狂,熊狂生熊繹。

熊繹當周成王之時,舉文、武勤勞之後嗣,而封熊繹於楚蠻,封以子男之田,姓琇氏,居丹陽。楚子熊繹與魯公伯禽、衛康叔子牟、晉侯燮、齊太公子呂伋俱事成王。

In the time of King Wen of Zhou, a descendant of Jilian's line named Yuxiong appeared. Yuxiong served King Wen but died young. His son was called Xiong Li. Xiong Li fathered Xiong Kuang, and Xiong Kuang fathered Xiong Yi.

During the reign of King Cheng of Zhou, the court elevated the descendants of those who had labored for Kings Wen and Wu and enfeoffed Xiong Yi in the wilderness of Chu. He received a domain of the lowest rank — that of a zi or nan (viscount or baron) — bearing the surname Xiu, and established his seat at Danyang. Xiong Yi, Viscount of Chu, served King Cheng alongside Duke Boqin of Lu, the son of the Duke of Kang of Wei (Mou), Marquis Xie of Jin, and Lü Ji the son of the Grand Duke of Qi.

Notes

1person鬻熊Yù Xióng

Yuxiong (鬻熊) is a semi-legendary figure regarded as the first named ancestor of the Chu royal house. Later tradition credited him as King Wen's teacher. The Xiong (熊, 'bear') element became the standard personal-name prefix for all subsequent Chu rulers.

2place

Danyang (丹陽) was the earliest capital of Chu. Its location is debated: candidates include sites in modern Zigui County (Hubei), Dangtu (Anhui), and Xichuan (Henan). Most scholars now favor the Xichuan area in the upper Dan River valley.

3context

The rank of zi-nan (子男), viscount-baron, was the lowest of the five Zhou feudal ranks (duke, marquis, earl, viscount, baron). This lowly status became a lasting source of resentment for Chu's rulers and a recurring theme in the chapter.

熊渠稱王與自去王號

Xiong Qu Claims Royal Titles, Then Renounces Them

熊繹生熊艾,熊艾生熊䶮,熊䶮生熊勝。熊勝以弟熊楊為後。熊楊生熊渠。

熊渠生子三年。當周夷王之時,王室微,諸侯或不朝,相伐。熊渠甚得江漢間民和,乃興兵伐庸、楊粵,至於鄂。熊渠曰:“我蠻夷也,不與中國之號謚。”乃立其長子康為句亶王,中子紅為鄂王,少子執疵為越章王,皆在江上楚蠻之地。及周厲王之時,暴虐,熊渠畏其伐楚,亦去其王。

Xiong Yi fathered Xiong Ai; Xiong Ai fathered Xiong Dan; Xiong Dan fathered Xiong Sheng. Xiong Sheng designated his younger brother Xiong Yang as his successor. Xiong Yang fathered Xiong Qu.

Xiong Qu had three sons. During the reign of King Yi of Zhou, the royal house had weakened: some lords no longer attended court, and they attacked one another. Xiong Qu won the deep loyalty of the people between the Yangtze and Han rivers, then raised troops and conquered Yong and Yang-Yue, advancing as far as E. Xiong Qu declared: 'We are barbarians. We do not share in the titles and posthumous names of the Central States.' He thereupon installed his eldest son Kang as King of Judan, his middle son Hong as King of E, and his youngest son Zhici as King of Yuezhang — all in Chu's territory along the Yangtze.

When King Li of Zhou came to power, however, his rule was tyrannical. Xiong Qu, fearing that Li might attack Chu, removed the royal titles.

Notes

1context

Xiong Qu's declaration 'We are barbarians; we do not share in the titles of the Central States' (我蠻夷也,不與中國之號諱) is a defining moment in Chu's self-fashioning. By rejecting Zhou nomenclature, he asserted Chu's independence from the Zhou ritual order — yet by removing the titles under King Li, he showed that Chu still recognized Zhou's military power.

2place

E (鄂) is the ancient name for the region around modern Ezhou, Hubei. It later became one of Chu's major strongholds on the Yangtze.

周室之亂與楚武王崛起

Turmoil in the Zhou Court and the Rise of King Wu of Chu

後為熊毋康,毋康蚤死。熊渠卒,子熊摯紅立。摯紅卒,其弟弒而代立,曰熊延。熊延生熊勇。

熊勇六年,而周人作亂,攻厲王,厲王出奔彘。熊勇十年,卒,弟熊嚴為後。

熊嚴十年,卒。有子四人,長子伯霜,中子仲雪,次子叔堪,少子季徇。熊嚴卒,長子伯霜代立,是為熊霜。

熊霜元年,周宣王初立。熊霜六年,卒,三弟爭立。仲雪死;叔堪亡,避難於濮;而少弟季徇立,是為熊徇。熊徇十六年,鄭桓公初封於鄭。二十二年,熊徇卒,子熊咢立。熊咢九年,卒,子熊儀立,是為若敖。

若敖二十年,周幽王為犬戎所弒,周東徙,而秦襄公始列為諸侯。

二十七年,若敖卒,子熊坎立,是為霄敖。霄敖六年,卒,子熊眴立,是為蚡冒。蚡冒十三年,晉始亂,以曲沃之故。蚡冒卒。蚡冒弟熊通弒蚡冒子而代立,是為楚武王。

Xiong Wukang succeeded next but died young. After Xiong Qu's death, his son Xiong Zhi Hong took the throne. When Zhi Hong died, his younger brother murdered the heir and seized power — this was Xiong Yan. Xiong Yan fathered Xiong Yong.

In the sixth year of Xiong Yong's reign, the people of Zhou revolted and attacked King Li, who fled to Zhi. In Xiong Yong's tenth year he died, and his brother Xiong Yan succeeded him.

Xiong Yan ruled for ten years and died. He had four sons: the eldest, Bo Shuang; the second, Zhong Xue; the third, Shu Kan; and the youngest, Ji Xun. After Xiong Yan's death, the eldest son Bo Shuang succeeded — this was Xiong Shuang.

In the first year of Xiong Shuang, King Xuan of Zhou first ascended the throne. In Xiong Shuang's sixth year he died, and his three younger brothers fought for the succession. Zhong Xue was killed; Shu Kan fled to the Pu tribes to escape danger; and the youngest brother Ji Xun took power — this was Xiong Xun. In Xiong Xun's sixteenth year, Duke Huan of Zheng first received his fief. In Xiong Xun's twenty-second year he died, and his son Xiong E succeeded. Xiong E ruled nine years and died; his son Xiong Yi succeeded — this was Ruo'ao.

In the twentieth year of Ruo'ao, King You of Zhou was killed by the Quanrong barbarians. The Zhou court moved east, and Duke Xiang of Qin was first ranked among the lords.

In Ruo'ao's twenty-seventh year he died, and his son Xiong Kan succeeded — this was Xiao'ao. Xiao'ao ruled six years and died; his son Xiong Xun succeeded — this was Fen Mao. In the thirteenth year of Fen Mao, Jin fell into disorder because of the Quwo succession crisis. Fen Mao died. His uncle Xiong Tong murdered Fen Mao's son and seized power — this was King Wu of Chu.

Notes

1context

The expulsion of King Li of Zhou in 842 BC marks the beginning of the Gonghe Regency, a pivotal moment in Zhou history that also provides the first firm chronological anchor for Chinese history.

2person楚武王Chǔ Wǔ Wáng

Xiong Tong (熊通), posthumously King Wu of Chu (楚武王, r. c. 740–690 BC), was Chu's first truly expansionist ruler. He seized power by force, then demanded — and ultimately claimed — royal status, setting Chu on its path as a rival power to the Zhou order.

3context

The Quwo crisis in Jin (beginning c. 745 BC) was a prolonged succession struggle between the main line of Jin at the capital Quwo and a cadet branch, lasting nearly seventy years. It distracted the Central States and created space for Chu's expansion.

武王求尊號與自立為王

King Wu Demands Recognition and Declares Himself King

武王十七年,晉之曲沃莊伯弒主國晉孝侯。十九年,鄭伯弟段作亂。二十一年,鄭侵天子之田。二十三年,衛弒其君桓公。二十九年,魯弒其君隱公。三十一年,宋太宰華督弒其君殤公。

三十五年,楚伐隨。是也。隨曰:“我無罪。”楚曰:“我蠻夷也。今諸侯皆為叛相侵,或相殺。我有敝甲,欲以觀中國之政,請王室尊吾號。”隨人為之周,請尊楚,王室不聽,還報楚。三十七年,楚熊通怒曰:“吾先鬻熊,文王之師也,蚤終。成王舉我先公,乃以子男田令居楚,蠻夷皆率服,而王不加位,我自尊耳。”乃自立為武王,與隨人盟而去。於是始開濮地而有之。

五十一年,周召隨侯,數以立楚為王。楚怒,以隨背己,伐隨。武王卒師中而兵罷。子文王熊貲立,始都郢。

In the seventeenth year of King Wu's reign, the Quwo branch in Jin assassinated Duke Xiao of Jin. In his nineteenth year, Duan, the younger brother of the Earl of Zheng, staged a rebellion. In his twenty-first year, Zheng encroached on the Son of Heaven's farmland. In his twenty-third year, Wei assassinated its lord, Duke Huan. In his twenty-ninth year, Lu assassinated its lord, Duke Yin. In his thirty-first year, Grand Steward Hua Du of Song assassinated his lord, Duke Shang.

In the thirty-fifth year, Chu attacked Sui. Sui protested: 'We have committed no offense.' Chu replied: 'We are barbarians. Now the lords everywhere rebel, invade, and murder one another. We have our battered armor, and we wish to observe the government of the Central States. We ask that the royal house elevate our title.' The people of Sui went to the Zhou court on Chu's behalf and requested that Chu's rank be raised. The royal house refused, and the envoys returned to report to Chu.

In the thirty-seventh year, Xiong Tong of Chu said in anger: 'My ancestor Yuxiong was the Teacher of King Wen, yet he died young. King Cheng elevated my forebears but assigned them only the land of a viscount-baron and sent them to live in Chu. All the barbarian peoples submit to us, yet the king will not advance our rank. I shall elevate myself.' He thereupon declared himself King Wu, made a covenant with the men of Sui, and departed. From this time on, Chu began to open up and annex the territory of the Pu tribes.

In the fifty-first year, the Zhou court summoned the Marquis of Sui and rebuked him for having supported Chu's claim to kingship. Chu was furious and, considering Sui to have betrayed it, attacked Sui. King Wu died during the campaign, and the army withdrew. His son, King Wen (Xiong Zi), succeeded him and established Ying as the first fixed capital.

Notes

1context

The catalogue of assassinations and usurpations across the Central States is Sima Qian's way of framing Chu's demands as reasonable: the Zhou order was collapsing, and the 'civilized' states were no better than the 'barbarian' Chu.

2context

Chu's self-elevation to kingship (王) was a momentous act. The title wang had been the exclusive prerogative of the Zhou Son of Heaven. By claiming it, Chu declared itself Zhou's equal — a direct challenge to the entire feudal hierarchy. This occurred around 704 BC.

3place

Sui (隨) was a small state in the Han River valley (modern Suizhou, Hubei) that served as Chu's intermediary with the Zhou court. Despite repeated Chu pressure, Sui maintained a degree of independence until much later.

4place

Ying (郢) became Chu's principal capital and remained so for centuries. It was located near modern Jiangling (Jingzhou), Hubei, and became one of the great cities of the ancient world.

文王伐鄧滅蔡與楚之初霸

King Wen Conquers Deng and Cai; Chu's Rise to Power

文王二年,伐申過鄧,鄧人曰“楚王易取”,鄧侯不許也。六年,伐蔡,虜蔡哀侯以歸,已而釋之。楚彊,陵江漢間小國,小國皆畏之。十一年,齊桓公始霸,楚亦始大。

十二年,伐鄧,滅之。十三年,卒,子熊畑立,是為莊敖。莊敖五年,欲殺其弟熊惲,惲奔隨,與隨襲弒莊敖代立,是為成王。

In the second year of King Wen's reign, Chu attacked Shen and passed through Deng. People of Deng remarked, 'The King of Chu would be easy to capture,' but the Marquis of Deng did not act on this. In his sixth year, Chu attacked Cai, captured Duke Ai of Cai and brought him back, but later released him. Chu had grown powerful and dominated the small states between the Yangtze and Han rivers; they all feared Chu. In his eleventh year, Duke Huan of Qi first achieved hegemony, and Chu too began its rise to greatness.

In the twelfth year, Chu attacked Deng and destroyed it. In the thirteenth year, King Wen died. His son Xiong Tian succeeded — this was Zhuang'ao. In the fifth year of Zhuang'ao's reign, the king tried to kill his younger brother Xiong Yun. Yun fled to Sui and, together with Sui, launched a surprise attack, killed Zhuang'ao, and seized power — this was King Cheng.

Notes

1context

The remark of the Deng people — 'The King of Chu would be easy to capture' — is a classic example of a missed opportunity that Sima Qian records with ironic hindsight: Deng was later destroyed by the very ruler it failed to seize.

2person齊桓公Qí Huán Gōng

Duke Huan of Qi (齊桓公, r. 685–643 BC) was the first of the Five Hegemons (五霸) of the Spring and Autumn period. His simultaneous rise created the central geopolitical tension of the era: a Qi-led northern alliance versus Chu's expanding southern power.

成王受命鎮南方

King Cheng Receives the Mandate to Pacify the South

成王惲元年,初即位,布德施惠,結舊好於諸侯。使人獻天子,天子賜胙,曰:“鎮爾南方夷越之亂,無侵中國。”於是楚地千里。

In the first year of King Cheng (Yun), upon his accession he spread virtue and bestowed kindness, renewing old bonds of friendship with the lords. He sent envoys to present tribute to the Son of Heaven. The Son of Heaven granted him sacrificial meat and declared: 'Pacify the disorders of the Yi and Yue barbarians in the south, but do not encroach on the Central States.' At this time, Chu's territory extended a thousand li.

Notes

1context

The Zhou king's grant — 'pacify the southern barbarians but do not encroach on the Central States' — was a double-edged recognition. It legitimized Chu's authority over a vast southern sphere while explicitly marking the boundary Chu was not to cross. Chu would later use this very mandate to justify its wars of conquest, arguing that it was fulfilling the Son of Heaven's commission.

2context

The granting of sacrificial meat (胙, zuo) was a significant ritual act. It signified the recipient's inclusion in the Zhou sacrificial community and implied recognition of legitimate authority.

齊桓公伐楚與召陵之盟

Duke Huan of Qi Attacks Chu; the Covenant at Zhaoling

十六年,齊桓公以兵侵楚,至陘山。楚成王使將軍屈完以兵御之,與桓公盟。桓公數以周之賦不入王室,楚許之,乃去。

十八年,成王以兵北伐許,許君肉袒謝,乃釋之。二十二年,伐黃。二十六年,滅英。

In the sixteenth year, Duke Huan of Qi invaded Chu with an army, advancing as far as Mount Xing. King Cheng of Chu dispatched General Qu Wan with troops to resist him, and the two sides concluded a covenant. Duke Huan's accusation was that Chu had failed to deliver its tribute of rush-grass filters to the Zhou royal house. Chu acknowledged the charge, and the Qi army withdrew.

In the eighteenth year, King Cheng led troops north to attack Xu. The lord of Xu bared his torso in submission, and Chu released him. In the twenty-second year, Chu attacked Huang. In the twenty-sixth year, Chu destroyed Ying.

Notes

1context

The tribute that Duke Huan cited — rush-grass filters (苞茅) used for straining sacrificial wine — was a deliberately trivial charge. The real issue was Chu's refusal to acknowledge Zhou suzerainty. The encounter at Zhaoling (召陵, near modern Luohe, Henan) ended inconclusively: Qi was unable to force Chu into genuine submission, but Chu made a face-saving concession by acknowledging the lapsed tribute.

2person屈完Qū Wán

Qu Wan (屈完) was a Chu general and diplomat. His deft handling of the confrontation with Duke Huan — firm but not provocative — is celebrated in the Zuo Zhuan's account of this episode (Xi 4th year, 656 BC).

宋襄公之辱與泓水之戰

The Humiliation of Duke Xiang of Song and the Battle of Hong River

三十三年,宋襄公欲為盟會,召楚。楚王怒曰:“召我,我將好往襲辱之。”遂行,至盂,遂執辱宋公,已而歸之。三十四年,鄭文公南朝楚。楚成王北伐宋,敗之泓,射傷宋襄公,襄公遂病創死。

In the thirty-third year, Duke Xiang of Song attempted to organize an inter-state assembly and summoned Chu. The King of Chu said angrily: 'He summons me? I shall go gladly and seize and humiliate him.' He went to the meeting at Yu, captured Duke Xiang of Song and publicly humiliated him, then later released him.

In the thirty-fourth year, Duke Wen of Zheng traveled south to pay court to Chu. King Cheng of Chu marched north and attacked Song, defeating them at the Hong River. He shot and wounded Duke Xiang of Song, and the duke later died of his wound.

Notes

1person宋襄公Sòng Xiāng Gōng

Duke Xiang of Song (宋襄公, r. 650–637 BC) attempted to succeed Duke Huan of Qi as hegemon but lacked the military strength to back his pretensions. His seizure at Yu (盂) in 639 BC was one of the most notorious breaches of diplomatic protocol in the Spring and Autumn period.

2context

The Battle of Hong (泓水之戰, 638 BC) is famous for Duke Xiang's chivalric refusal to attack the Chu army while it was crossing the river — a decision his minister Ziyu criticized as suicidal folly. Sima Qian's terse account here omits the moral debate.

重耳過楚與城濮之敗

Chong'er Passes through Chu; Defeat at Chengpu

三十五年,晉公子重耳過楚,成王以諸侯客禮饗,而厚送之於秦。

三十九年,魯僖公來請兵以伐齊,楚使申侯將兵伐齊,取穀,置齊桓公子雍焉。齊桓公七子皆奔楚,楚盡以為上大夫。滅夔,夔不祀祝融、鬻熊故也。

夏,伐宋,宋告急於晉,晉救宋,成王罷歸。將軍子玉請戰,成王曰:“重耳亡居外久,卒得反國,天之所開,不可當。”子玉固請,乃與之少師而去。晉果敗子玉於城濮。成王怒,誅子玉。

In the thirty-fifth year, Prince Chong'er of Jin passed through Chu. King Cheng entertained him with the full ceremonial courtesies due a visiting lord and generously escorted him onward to Qin.

In the thirty-ninth year, Duke Xi of Lu came to request Chu troops to attack Qi. Chu dispatched Lord Shen to lead an army against Qi, seized Gu, and installed Yong, a son of Duke Huan of Qi, there. All seven sons of Duke Huan fled to Chu, and Chu appointed every one of them as Senior Grand Masters. Chu also destroyed Kui, because Kui had failed to sacrifice to Zhurong and Yuxiong.

In the summer, Chu attacked Song. Song appealed urgently to Jin for help, and Jin came to Song's rescue. King Cheng withdrew his main force. General Ziyu requested permission to fight, but King Cheng said: 'Chong'er wandered in exile for many years before finally regaining his state. Heaven has opened the way for him — he cannot be opposed.' Ziyu insisted, so the king gave him only a small supporting force and departed. Jin defeated Ziyu at Chengpu. King Cheng was furious and executed Ziyu.

Notes

1person晉文公Jìn Wén Gōng

Chong'er (重耳) is the future Duke Wen of Jin (晉文公, r. 636–628 BC), the second of the Five Hegemons. His nineteen-year exile took him through multiple states. The generous reception he received in Chu — and Chong'er's famous promise to 'retreat three stages' if they ever met in battle — set up the drama of Chengpu.

2context

The Battle of Chengpu (城濮之戰, 632 BC) was the decisive battle of the Spring and Autumn period. Jin's victory established northern hegemony and checked Chu's expansion for a generation. King Cheng's prescient warning about Chong'er — and Ziyu's fatal stubbornness — became a staple lesson in Chinese political rhetoric.

3person子玉Zǐ Yù

Ziyu (子玉), personal name Cheng Dechen (成得臣), was Chu's commander-in-chief (令尹). His execution after Chengpu reflected the severity of the defeat and King Cheng's anger at having been ignored.

商臣弒父與穆王之世

Shang Chen Murders His Father; the Reign of King Mu

四十六年,初,成王將以商臣為太子,語令尹子上。子上曰:“君之齒未也,而又多內寵,絀乃亂也。楚國之舉常在少者。且商臣蜂目而豺聲,忍人也,不可立也。”王不聽,立之。後又欲立子職而絀太子商臣。商臣聞而未審也,告其傅潘崇曰:“何以得其實?”崇曰:“饗王之寵姬江羋而勿敬也。”商臣從之。江羋怒曰:“宜乎王之欲殺若而立職也。”商臣告潘崇曰:“信矣。”崇曰:“能事之乎?”曰:“不能。”“能亡去乎?”曰:“不能。”“能行大事乎?”曰:“能。”冬十月,商臣以宮兵圍成王。成王請食熊蹯而死,不聽。丁未,成王自絞殺。商臣代立,是為穆王。

穆王立,以其太子宮予潘崇,使為太師,掌國事。穆王三年,滅江。四年,滅六、蓼。六、蓼,皋陶之後。八年,伐陳。十二年,卒。子莊王侶立。

In the forty-sixth year: Earlier, King Cheng had intended to designate Shang Chen as crown prince and consulted the Chief Minister Zishang. Zishang said: 'Your Majesty is still in his prime and has many palace favorites — deposing a crown prince will only breed chaos. Moreover, Chu's succession has customarily favored the youngest son. Besides, Shang Chen has the eyes of a wasp and the voice of a jackal. He is a man capable of cruelty. He must not be installed.' The king did not listen and made him crown prince.

Later, the king changed his mind and wished to install Prince Zhi instead, deposing Crown Prince Shang Chen. Shang Chen heard rumors of this but was unsure. He told his tutor Pan Chong: 'How can I find out the truth?' Pan Chong said: 'Hold a feast for the king's favorite consort, Lady Jiang of the Mi clan, but show her deliberate disrespect.' Shang Chen did so. Lady Jiang said angrily: 'No wonder the king wants to kill you and install Zhi!' Shang Chen reported to Pan Chong: 'It is true.' Pan Chong asked: 'Can you serve Prince Zhi as your lord?' 'No.' 'Can you flee the state?' 'No.' 'Can you carry out the great deed?' 'Yes.'

In the tenth month of winter, Shang Chen surrounded King Cheng with palace guards. King Cheng asked to eat bear's paw before dying, but this was refused. On the dingwei day, King Cheng strangled himself. Shang Chen took the throne — this was King Mu.

Upon taking power, King Mu gave his crown prince's palace to Pan Chong, appointed him Grand Tutor, and placed him in charge of state affairs. In King Mu's third year, Chu destroyed Jiang. In his fourth year, Chu destroyed Liu and Liao — both descendants of Gaotao. In his eighth year, Chu attacked Chen. In his twelfth year, King Mu died. His son, King Zhuang (Lü), succeeded him.

Notes

1person楚穆王Chǔ Mù Wáng

Shang Chen (商臣), later King Mu of Chu (楚穆王, r. 625–614 BC), is one of the most notorious parricides in Chinese history. Zishang's vivid description of him — 'wasp eyes and jackal voice' (蜂目而豺聲) — became a proverbial phrase for a ruthless and treacherous person.

2person潘崇Pān Chóng

Pan Chong (潘崇) served as Shang Chen's tutor and masterminded the palace coup. His method of testing the king's intentions through Lady Jiang — provoking her anger to extract a candid reaction — is a textbook example of indirect intelligence gathering in the classical tradition.

3context

King Cheng's last request — to eat bear's paw (熊蹯), a delicacy that required lengthy preparation — was a ploy to delay his death in hopes of rescue. Shang Chen saw through this and refused.

莊王一鳴驚人

King Zhuang: Three Years Silent, Then One Cry That Startles All

莊王即位三年,不出號令,日夜為樂,令國中曰:“有敢諫者死無赦!”伍舉入諫。莊王左抱鄭姬,右抱越女,坐鍾鼓之間。伍舉曰:“原有進隱。”曰:“有鳥在於阜,三年不蜚不鳴,是何鳥也?”莊王曰:“三年不蜚,蜚將沖天;三年不鳴,鳴將驚人。舉退矣,吾知之矣。”居數月,淫益甚。大夫蘇從乃入諫。王曰:“若不聞令乎?”對曰:“殺身以明君,臣之原也。”於是乃罷淫樂,聽政,所誅者數百人,所進者數百人,任伍舉、蘇從以政,國人大說。是歲滅庸。六年,伐宋,獲五百乘。

King Zhuang ascended the throne and for three years issued no orders, devoting himself to pleasure day and night. He proclaimed throughout the state: 'Anyone who dares to remonstrate will be executed without pardon.' Wu Ju entered the court to admonish him. King Zhuang sat with a lady of Zheng in his left arm and a woman of Yue in his right, surrounded by bells and drums. Wu Ju said: 'I wish to present a riddle.' He said: 'There is a bird perched on a hill. For three years it has neither flown nor cried. What bird is this?' King Zhuang replied: 'The bird that has not flown for three years — when it flies, it will soar to the heavens. The bird that has not cried for three years — when it cries, it will startle all men. Withdraw. I understand.' But months passed, and the king's dissipation only grew worse.

Grand Master Su Cong then entered to remonstrate. The king said: 'Have you not heard the decree?' Su Cong replied: 'To die in order to enlighten one's lord — that is a minister's deepest wish.' At this, the king put an end to his debauchery and took up governance. He executed several hundred officials and promoted several hundred others, entrusting Wu Ju and Su Cong with the administration of the state. The people rejoiced greatly. That same year, Chu destroyed Yong. In his sixth year, he attacked Song and captured five hundred war chariots.

Notes

1person楚莊王Chǔ Zhuāng Wáng

King Zhuang of Chu (楚莊王, r. 613–591 BC) is one of the Five Hegemons and arguably the most powerful ruler of the Spring and Autumn period. His early years of apparent debauchery — whether genuine dissolution or a calculated test of his ministers' loyalty — produced the famous idiom 一鳴驚人 (yī míng jīng rén), 'one cry startles all,' meaning a person who suddenly reveals hidden greatness.

2person伍舉Wǔ Jǔ

Wu Ju (伍舉) was an ancestor of Wu Zixu (伍子胥), the famous Chu exile who later helped Wu destroy Chu's capital. His riddle of the bird became one of the most celebrated anecdotes in Chinese political literature.

3person蘇從Sū Cóng

Su Cong (蘇從) is less well-known than Wu Ju, but his willingness to risk death succeeded where the riddle had failed. King Zhuang's response to Su Cong's courage — not anger but admiration — demonstrated the king's genuine ability to recognize and reward moral integrity.

問鼎中原

Asking the Weight of the Cauldrons: Chu Challenges Zhou

八年,伐陸渾戎,遂至洛,觀兵於周郊。周定王使王孫滿勞楚王。楚王問鼎小大輕重,對曰:“在德不在鼎。”莊王曰:“子無阻九鼎!楚國折鉤之喙,足以為九鼎。”王孫滿曰:“嗚呼!君王其忘之乎?昔虞夏之盛,遠方皆至,貢金九牧,鑄鼎象物,百物而為之備,使民知神奸。桀有亂德,鼎遷於殷,載祀六百。殷紂暴虐,鼎遷於周。德之休明,雖小必重;其奸回昏亂,雖大必輕。昔成王定鼎於郟鄏,卜世三十,卜年七百,天所命也。周德雖衰,天命未改。鼎之輕重,未可問也。”楚王乃歸。

In the eighth year, King Zhuang attacked the Luhun Rong barbarians, then advanced to Luo and paraded his army on the outskirts of the Zhou capital. King Ding of Zhou sent Wang Sunman to receive the King of Chu with ceremony. The King of Chu asked about the size and weight of the Nine Cauldrons.

Wang Sunman replied: 'It depends on virtue, not on the cauldrons.'

King Zhuang said: 'Do not use the Nine Cauldrons to block me! The broken tips of Chu's weapon-hooks alone are enough to cast nine cauldrons.'

Wang Sunman said: 'Alas! Has Your Majesty forgotten? In the flourishing days of Yu and the Xia, peoples from afar all came bearing tribute. Metal was collected from the nine provinces, and cauldrons were cast bearing images of all creatures, so that the people could distinguish spirits from demons. When Jie ruled with disordered virtue, the cauldrons passed to Yin, where they remained for six hundred years of sacrifice. When King Zhou of Yin ruled with violence and cruelty, the cauldrons passed to Zhou. When virtue is bright and glorious, even what is small will be weighty. When there is treachery and confusion, even what is great will be light. In former times, King Cheng established the cauldrons at Jiaru. The divination foretold thirty generations and seven hundred years — this is the mandate of Heaven. Though Zhou's virtue has declined, the mandate of Heaven has not yet changed. The weight of the cauldrons is not something that may be asked about.'

The King of Chu withdrew.

Notes

1context

The phrase 問鼎 (wèn dǐng, 'asking about the cauldrons') became one of the most famous idioms in Chinese. It means to covet the supreme power or to challenge the established authority. This episode (606 BC) represents the apex of Chu's challenge to the Zhou order.

2person王孫滿Wáng Sūnmǎn

Wang Sunman (王孫滿) was a Zhou royal minister. His response is considered a masterpiece of diplomatic rhetoric: he conceded nothing while acknowledging the reality of Chu's power, and deflected the threat by reframing the issue from military strength to moral legitimacy.

3context

King Zhuang's boast about melting weapon-hooks to cast cauldrons was an explicit threat: Chu could manufacture the symbols of sovereignty by sheer military force. Wang Sunman's reply — that legitimacy rests on virtue, not metal — is one of the foundational statements of the Confucian theory of the Mandate of Heaven.

縣陳與復國

Annexing Chen, Then Restoring It

九年,相若敖氏。人或讒之王,恐誅,反攻王,王擊滅若敖氏之族。十三年,滅舒。

十六年,伐陳,殺夏徵舒。徵舒弒其君,故誅之也。已破陳,即縣之。群臣皆賀,申叔時使齊來,不賀。王問,對曰:“鄙語曰,牽牛徑人田,田主取其牛。徑者則不直矣,取之牛不亦甚乎?且王以陳之亂而率諸侯伐之,以義伐之而貪其縣,亦何以復令於天下!”莊王乃復國陳後。

In the ninth year, a member of the Ruo'ao clan served as chief minister. Someone slandered him to the king. Fearing execution, the Ruo'ao clan rebelled and attacked the king. The king struck back and wiped out the entire Ruo'ao clan. In the thirteenth year, Chu destroyed Shu.

In the sixteenth year, Chu attacked Chen and killed Xia Zhengshu — Zhengshu had assassinated his own lord, which was why he was executed. After conquering Chen, King Zhuang annexed it as a county. All his ministers offered congratulations, but Shen Shushi, returning from an embassy to Qi, did not congratulate him.

The king asked why. Shen Shushi replied: 'There is a common saying: A man leads his ox through another man's field; the field's owner seizes the ox. The trespasser was in the wrong, to be sure — but to take his ox, is that not going too far? Your Majesty used Chen's internal disorder as the pretext to lead the lords in an attack, waging war in the name of righteousness. But then to covet Chen and annex it as a county — how can you ever again give orders to the realm?'

King Zhuang thereupon restored Chen's ruling house and returned the state.

Notes

1person夏徵舒Xià Zhēngshū

Xia Zhengshu (夏徵舒) was a minister in the state of Chen who murdered Duke Ling of Chen (陳靈公) in 599 BC. This regicide gave King Zhuang a righteous pretext to invade.

2person申叔時Shēn Shūshí

Shen Shushi (申叔時) was a Chu minister whose ox-and-field analogy became a classic argument against conflating punishment with conquest. His advice showed King Zhuang that hegemony required moral authority, not just territorial expansion.

3context

King Zhuang's decision to restore Chen is one of Sima Qian's key episodes illustrating Zhuang's greatness: unlike a mere conqueror, he could listen to criticism and sacrifice territorial gain for moral standing among the lords.

圍鄭服鄭與邲之戰

The Siege of Zheng and the Battle of Bi

十七年春,楚莊王圍鄭,三月克之。入自皇門,鄭伯肉袒牽羊以逆,曰:“孤不天,不能事君,君用懷怒,以及敝邑,孤之罪也。敢不惟命是聽!賓之南海,若以臣妾賜諸侯,亦惟命是聽。若君不忘厲、宣、桓、武,不絕其社稷,使改事君,孤之原也,非所敢望也。敢布腹心。”楚群臣曰:“王勿許。”莊王曰:“其君能下人,必能信用其民,庸可絕乎!”莊王自手旗,左右麾軍,引兵去三十里而舍,遂許之平。潘尪入盟,子良出質。夏六月,晉救鄭,與楚戰,大敗晉師河上,遂至衡雍而歸。

In the spring of the seventeenth year, King Zhuang of Chu besieged Zheng and took it after three months. He entered through the Huang Gate. The Earl of Zheng came to meet him bare-chested and leading a sheep, saying: 'I, the solitary one, have offended Heaven and could not serve Your Majesty. Your Majesty harbored righteous anger, and it has reached our poor city — this is my fault. I dare only obey whatever is commanded. Banish me to the shores of the Southern Sea, or give me as a servant to the other lords — I will obey. But if Your Majesty does not forget the former bonds of Kings Li, Xuan, Huan, and Wu, and does not extinguish our altars of soil and grain, allowing us to change our ways and serve Your Majesty anew — that is my deepest hope, though I dare not expect it. I venture to lay bare my heart.'

Chu's ministers said: 'Your Majesty, do not agree.' But King Zhuang replied: 'A ruler who can humble himself before others will surely win the trust of his people. How can such a state be destroyed?' King Zhuang personally grasped his banner, waved his army left and right, and withdrew his troops thirty li, making camp. He then granted Zheng peace. Pan Wang entered the city to conclude the covenant, and Ziliang was sent as a hostage.

In the summer, in the sixth month, Jin came to rescue Zheng and engaged Chu in battle. Chu inflicted a crushing defeat on the Jin army at the banks of the Yellow River, then advanced as far as Hengyong before returning home.

Notes

1context

The Earl of Zheng's submission — bare-chested and leading a sheep (肉袸牽羊) — was the standard ritual of surrender in the Spring and Autumn period. The sheep was a sacrificial offering symbolizing the surrendering lord's willingness to accept any punishment, including death.

2context

King Zhuang's reply — 'a ruler who can humble himself before others will surely win the trust of his people' — is one of the most quoted lines from this chapter. It shows Zhuang applying the same principle of valuing virtue over force that Wang Sunman had used against him in the Nine Cauldrons episode.

3context

The Battle of Bi (邲之戰, 597 BC) was the decisive defeat of Jin by Chu and the mirror image of Chengpu thirty-five years earlier. With this victory, King Zhuang effectively replaced Jin as the dominant power in the Central States and cemented his status as hegemon.

圍宋與莊王之卒

The Siege of Song and the Death of King Zhuang

二十年,圍宋,以殺楚使也。圍宋五月,城中食盡,易子而食,析骨而炊。宋華元出告以情。莊王曰:“君子哉!”遂罷兵去。

二十三年,莊王卒,子共王審立。

In the twentieth year, Chu besieged Song because Song had killed a Chu envoy. After five months of siege, food inside the city was exhausted. The people exchanged children to eat and split bones for fuel. Song's minister Hua Yuan came out and told King Zhuang the true state of affairs.

King Zhuang exclaimed: 'What a man of honor!' He then withdrew his army and departed.

In the twenty-third year, King Zhuang died. His son, King Gong (Shen), succeeded him.

Notes

1person華元Huá Yuán

Hua Yuan (華元) was a prominent Song minister and diplomat. His candid disclosure of Song's dire condition — rather than bluffing — was an act of trust that King Zhuang rewarded with equally honorable restraint.

2context

The phrase 'exchanged children to eat, split bones for fuel' (易子而食,析骨而炂) became a stock expression for the extremities of siege warfare in Chinese literature. King Zhuang's withdrawal after hearing the truth — despite being on the verge of victory — was the final demonstration of his magnanimity and the reason Sima Qian placed him among the greatest rulers of the age.

3context

King Zhuang's death in 591 BC marked the end of Chu's greatest era. Under his rule, Chu defeated Jin, humbled Zheng, challenged Zhou, and dominated the Central States. No subsequent Chu king matched his combination of military power and political wisdom.

共王失利鄢陵

King Gong and the Defeat at Yanling

二十三年,莊王卒,子共王審立。

共王十六年,晉伐鄭。鄭告急,共王救鄭。與晉兵戰鄢陵,晉敗楚,射中共王目。共王召將軍子反。子反嗜酒,從者豎陽穀進酒醉。王怒,射殺子反,遂罷兵歸。

三十一年,共王卒,子康王招立。

In his twenty-third year, King Zhuang died and was succeeded by his son, King Gong (Shen).

In King Gong's sixteenth year, Jin attacked Zheng. Zheng sent an urgent appeal for help, and King Gong went to Zheng's rescue. The Chu and Jin armies clashed at Yanling. Jin defeated Chu, and an arrow struck King Gong in the eye. The king summoned his general Zifan, but Zifan was addicted to wine, and his attendant Shu Yanggu had plied him with drink until he was drunk. The king, enraged, shot Zifan dead and withdrew his forces.

In his thirty-first year, King Gong died. His son, King Kang (Zhao), succeeded him.

Notes

1person楚共王Chǔ Gòng Wáng

King Gong of Chu (楚共王, r. 590–560 BC), personal name Shen (審), was the son of King Zhuang. His reign saw Chu's decline from the peak of Zhuang's hegemony.

2context

The Battle of Yanling (鄢陵之戰, 575 BC) was a major engagement between Chu and Jin. It marked the beginning of Chu's strategic decline relative to Jin. The wounding of King Gong's eye became one of the most memorable images of the Spring and Autumn period.

3person子反Zǐ Fǎn

Zifan (子反), also known as Gongsun Ce, was a senior Chu general. His execution for drunkenness on the battlefield illustrates the harsh military discipline of the period.

康王諸弟與郟敖之弒

King Kang's Brothers and the Murder of Jia'ao

康王立十五年卒,子員立,是為郟敖。

康王寵弟公子圍、子比、子晳、棄疾。郟敖三年,以其季父康王弟公子圍為令尹,主兵事。四年,圍使鄭,道聞王疾而還。十二月己酉,圍入問王疾,絞而弒之,遂殺其子莫及平夏。使使赴於鄭。伍舉問曰:「誰為後?」對曰:「寡大夫圍。」伍舉更曰:「共王之子圍為長。」子比奔晉,而圍立,是為靈王。

King Kang reigned for fifteen years and died. His son Yuan succeeded him, taking the title Jia'ao.

King Kang had favored his younger brothers: Gongzi Wei, Zibi, Zixi, and Qiji. In Jia'ao's third year, his uncle Gongzi Wei — the youngest brother of King Kang — was appointed Chief Minister and given command of the military. In the fourth year, Wei was sent on a mission to Zheng but turned back upon hearing that the king had fallen ill. On the jiyou day of the twelfth month, Wei entered the palace ostensibly to inquire after the king's health, then strangled him and killed his sons Mo and Pingxia. He dispatched a messenger to Zheng. Wu Ju asked: "Who will be the successor?" The envoy replied: "Our minister Wei." Wu Ju corrected the phrasing: "Wei, the eldest surviving son of King Gong." Zibi fled to Jin, and Wei took the throne as King Ling.

Notes

1person郟敖Jiá Áo

Jia'ao (郟敖) is King Kang's son Yuan (員). His title is not a posthumous royal name but a derogatory epithet — he was murdered before receiving a proper posthumous title. He reigned only four years (544–541 BC).

2person伍舉Wǔ Jǔ

Wu Ju (伍舉) was a Chu minister who played an important role in court politics under multiple kings. He tactfully reframed the usurpation as a legitimate succession by invoking Wei's seniority among King Gong's sons.

3context

King Kang's five sons — the Jia'ao king, Wei (Ling), Zibi, Zixi, and Qiji — would fight a brutal succession struggle over the next decade, with three of the five dying violently.

靈王會諸侯與章華之奢

King Ling Convenes the Lords and the Excess of Zhanghua

靈王三年六月,楚使使告晉,欲會諸侯。諸侯皆會楚於申。伍舉曰:「昔夏啟有鈞台之饗,商湯有景亳之命,周武王有盟津之誓,成王有岐陽之蒐,康王有豐宮之朝,穆王有塗山之會,齊桓有召陵之師,晉文有踐土之盟,君其何用?」靈王曰:「用桓公。」時鄭子產在焉。於是晉、宋、魯、衛不往。靈王已盟,有驕色。伍舉曰:「桀為有仍之會,有緡叛之。紂為黎山之會,東夷叛之。幽王為太室之盟,戎、翟叛之。君其慎終!」

七月,楚以諸候兵伐吳,圍硃方。八月,克之,囚慶封,滅其族。以封徇,曰:「無效齊慶封弒其君而弱其孤,以盟諸大夫!」封反曰:「莫如楚共王庶子圍弒其君兄之子員而代之立!」於是靈王使疾殺之。

七年,就章華台,下令內亡人實之。

In King Ling's third year, sixth month, Chu notified Jin that it wished to convene a congress of the lords. The lords all met Chu at Shen. Wu Ju said: "In ancient times, Xia Qi held the feast of Juntai, Shang Tang received the mandate at Jingbo, King Wu of Zhou swore the oath at Mengjin, King Cheng held the review at Qiyang, King Kang held court at Fenggong, King Mu held the assembly at Tushan, Duke Huan of Qi led the campaign at Zhaoling, and Duke Wen of Jin made the covenant at Jiantu. Which model does my lord wish to follow?" King Ling replied: "Duke Huan's." Zichan of Zheng was present. Jin, Song, Lu, and Wei did not attend. After the covenant, King Ling showed an arrogant bearing. Wu Ju cautioned him: "Jie held the assembly at Youreng, and Youmin revolted. Zhou held the assembly at Lishan, and the Eastern Yi revolted. King You made the pact at Taishi, and the Rong and Di revolted. My lord, be careful how you finish!"

In the seventh month, Chu led the allied forces against Wu and besieged Zhufang. In the eighth month they took it, captured Qing Feng, and wiped out his clan. Before his execution, they paraded Qing Feng and proclaimed: "Let none imitate Qing Feng of Qi, who murdered his lord and preyed upon the young heir, then made a pact with the ministers!" Qing Feng retorted: "None can match the way Gongzi Wei, a junior son of King Gong of Chu, strangled his nephew the king and took his place!" King Ling had him swiftly killed.

In the seventh year, the Zhanghua Terrace was completed. The king ordered fugitives to be brought in to populate it.

Notes

1context

The congress at Shen (申, 538 BC) was King Ling's attempt to assume the hegemonic role previously held by the dukes of Qi and Jin. Wu Ju's enumeration of great assemblies throughout history is both flattery and warning — each precedent carries a lesson about the limits of power.

2person子產Zǐ Chǎn

Zichan (子產, d. 522 BC), chief minister of Zheng, was renowned as one of the most capable statesmen of the Spring and Autumn period. His presence at the congress was diplomatically significant, as Zheng stood between Jin and Chu.

3person慶封Qìng Fēng

Qing Feng (慶封) was a Qi grandee who had been involved in the assassination of Duke Zhuang of Qi. He fled to Wu, where Chu captured him. His retort to King Ling about the usurpation was factually accurate, which is why the king had him killed immediately.

4place

Zhanghua Terrace (章華臺) was an extravagant palace built by King Ling near his capital. Later tradition remembered it as a symbol of royal excess. Sima Qian's note that it was populated with fugitives underscores the forced nature of the project.

靈王滅陳蔡與求鼎之議

King Ling Destroys Chen and Cai and Covets the Cauldrons

八年,使公子棄疾將兵滅陳。十年,召蔡侯,醉而殺之。使棄疾定蔡,因為陳蔡公。

十一年,伐徐以恐吳。靈王次於乾谿以待之。王曰:「齊、晉、魯、衛,其封皆受寶器,我獨不。今吾使使周求鼎以為分,其予我乎?」析父對曰:「其予君王哉!昔我先王熊繹辟在荊山,蓽露藍蔞。以處草莽,跋涉山林以事天子,唯是桃弧棘矢以共王事。齊,王舅也;晉及魯、衛,王母弟也:楚是以無分而彼皆有。周今與四國服事君王,將惟命是從,豈敢愛鼎?」靈王曰:「昔我皇祖伯父昆吾舊許是宅,今鄭人貪其田,不我予,今我求之,其予我乎?」對曰:「周不愛鼎,鄭安敢愛田?」靈王曰:「昔諸侯遠我而畏晉,今吾大城陳、蔡、不羹,賦皆千乘,諸侯畏我乎?」對曰:「畏哉!」靈王喜曰:「析父善言古事焉。」

In the eighth year, King Ling sent Gongzi Qiji to lead an army and destroy Chen. In the tenth year, he summoned the Marquis of Cai, got him drunk, and killed him. He assigned Qiji to pacify Cai and made him governor of both Chen and Cai.

In the eleventh year, Chu attacked Xu to intimidate Wu. King Ling encamped at Ganxi to await the outcome. The king said: "When Qi, Jin, Lu, and Wei received their fiefs, they all received precious ritual vessels. I alone did not. If I now send an envoy to Zhou to request a cauldron as my share, will they grant it?" Xi Fu replied: "They will certainly grant it to Your Majesty! In ancient times, our founding king Xiong Yi carved out a place in the Jing Mountains, wearing ragged clothes and eating wild herbs, dwelling in the brush and trekking through forests to serve the Son of Heaven, offering only peach-wood bows and thorn-wood arrows as tribute. Qi was the king's maternal uncle; Jin, Lu, and Wei were the king's mother's brothers — that is why Chu received no share while those states all did. Now Zhou and those four states serve Your Majesty and will follow whatever command is given. How could they begrudge a cauldron?"

King Ling said: "In ancient times, my imperial ancestor Kunwu held the old lands of Xu. Now the people of Zheng covet that territory and will not give it to me. If I demand it, will they yield?" Xi Fu replied: "If Zhou does not begrudge the cauldrons, how would Zheng dare begrudge the land?"

King Ling said: "Formerly the lords shunned me and feared Jin. Now I have built great fortified cities at Chen, Cai, and Buleng, each with revenues sufficient for a thousand war chariots. Do the lords fear me?" Xi Fu replied: "They fear you indeed!" King Ling was pleased and said: "Xi Fu speaks well of ancient matters."

Notes

1person棄疾Qì Jí

Gongzi Qiji (公子棄疾) is the future King Ping of Chu. His appointment as governor of Chen and Cai gave him a major independent power base that he would later use to seize the throne.

2context

Xi Fu's flattery is a masterpiece of courtier rhetoric. By reminding King Ling of Chu's humble origins — the founding king in rags — he frames the demand for Zhou's cauldrons as justified compensation for centuries of neglect, while actually feeding the king's delusions of grandeur.

3place

Ganxi (乾谿) was a camp site in modern Anhui. King Ling would later die near here after his overthrow, making this passage an ironic foreshadowing.

靈王之覆亡

The Overthrow and Death of King Ling

十二年春,楚靈王樂乾谿,不能去也。國人苦役。初,靈王會兵於申,僇越大夫常壽過,殺蔡大夫觀起。起子從亡在吳,乃勸吳王伐楚,為間越大夫常壽過而作亂,為吳間。使矯公子棄疾命召公子比於晉,至蔡,與吳、越兵欲襲蔡。令公子比見棄疾,與盟於鄧。遂入殺靈王太子祿,立子比為王,公子子晳為令尹,棄疾為司馬。先除王宮,觀從從師於乾谿,令楚眾曰:「國有王矣。先歸,復爵邑田室。後者遷之。」楚眾皆潰,去靈王而歸。

靈王聞太子祿之死也,自投車下,而曰:「人之愛子亦如是乎?」侍者曰:「甚是。」王曰:「余殺人之子多矣,能無及此乎?」右尹曰:「請待於郊以聽國人。」王曰:「眾怒不可犯。」曰:「且入大縣而乞師於諸侯。」王曰:「皆叛矣。」又曰:「且奔諸侯以聽大國之慮。」王曰:「大福不再,祗取辱耳。」於是王乘舟將欲入鄢。右尹度王不用其計,懼俱死,亦去王亡。

靈王於是獨傍徨山中,野人莫敢入王。王行遇其故鋗人,謂曰:「為我求食,我已不食三日矣。」鋗人曰:「新王下法,有敢饟王從王者,罪及三族,且又無所得食。」王因枕其股而臥。鋗人又以土自代,逃去。王覺而弗見,遂飢弗能起。芋尹申無宇之子申亥曰:「吾父再犯王命,王弗誅,恩孰大焉!」乃求王,遇王飢於釐澤,奉之以歸。夏五月癸丑,王死申亥家,申亥以二女從死,並葬之。

In the spring of the twelfth year, King Ling was still indulging in pleasures at Ganxi and could not bring himself to leave. The people suffered under his forced-labor levies. Earlier, when King Ling had mustered troops at Shen, he had humiliated the Yue minister Chang Shouguo and killed the Cai minister Guan Qi. Guan Qi's son had fled to Wu and urged the King of Wu to attack Chu, acting as a spy for Wu and fomenting rebellion. Using a forged order from Gongzi Qiji, they summoned Gongzi Bi from Jin. Arriving at Cai with Wu and Yue troops, they planned to seize the city. Gongzi Bi met with Qiji and they swore a pact at Deng. They then entered the capital, killed King Ling's crown prince Lu, and installed Zibi as king, with Zixi as Chief Minister and Qiji as Marshal. They first secured the royal palace. Guan Cong then went to the army at Ganxi and announced to the Chu troops: "The state has a new king. Those who return first will have their ranks, fiefs, fields, and homes restored. Latecomers will be relocated." The Chu soldiers all deserted, abandoning King Ling and heading home.

When King Ling heard that Crown Prince Lu had been killed, he threw himself from his chariot and cried: "Do people love their sons this much?" His attendant said: "Even more so." The king said: "I have killed so many men's sons — how could this not come back to me?" The Right Administrator said: "Let us wait in the suburbs and gauge the people's sentiment." The king said: "The fury of the multitude cannot be defied." "Then let us enter a major district and request troops from the lords." The king said: "They have all turned against me." "Then let us flee to another state and submit to a great power's judgment." The king said: "Great fortune does not come twice. I would only invite humiliation." He then boarded a boat, intending to enter Yan. The Right Administrator, concluding that the king would not accept any plan, feared dying alongside him and also fled.

King Ling wandered the mountains alone. No commoner dared take the king in. He encountered a former servant of his household and said: "Find me food — I have not eaten for three days." The servant said: "The new king has decreed that anyone who feeds or follows the old king will be punished along with his entire clan. And besides, there is no food to be found." The king lay down and rested his head on the man's lap. The servant placed a mound of earth under the king's head in his stead and slipped away. When the king awoke and found the man gone, he was too weak from hunger to stand. Shen Hai, the son of Yuyin Shen Wuyu, said: "My father twice violated the king's commands, yet the king did not execute him. What greater grace could there be?" He went searching for the king, found him starving in the marshes of Lize, and brought him home. On the guichou day of the fifth month of summer, the king died in Shen Hai's house. Shen Hai had his two daughters follow the king in death, and they were buried together.

Notes

1context

The fall of King Ling (529 BC) is one of the most dramatic episodes in the Zuozhuan and Shiji alike. The king's self-awareness in his final hours — acknowledging that he brought his fate upon himself by killing other men's sons — gives the narrative a tragic dimension that Sima Qian clearly found compelling.

2person申亥Shēn Hài

Shen Hai (申亥) is remembered as a figure of extraordinary loyalty. His decision to sacrifice his two daughters to accompany the king in death is presented without moral comment by Sima Qian, though later readers debated whether this was devotion or fanaticism.

3context

The episode of the servant who slips earth under the king's head and escapes encapsulates the complete dissolution of royal authority. The king who once convened lords and demanded Zhou's cauldrons cannot even command a meal from a former household attendant.

棄疾篡立為平王

Qiji Seizes the Throne as King Ping

是時楚國雖已立比為王,畏靈王復來,又不聞靈王死,故觀從謂初王比曰:「不殺棄疾,雖得國猶受禍。」王曰:「余不忍。」從曰:「人將忍王。」王不聽,乃去。棄疾歸。國人每夜驚,曰:「靈王入矣!」乙卯夜,棄疾使船人從江上走呼曰:「靈王至矣!」國人愈驚。又使曼成然告初王比及令尹子晳曰:「王至矣!國人將殺君,司馬將至矣!君蚤自圖,無取辱焉。眾怒如水火,不可救也。」初王及子晳遂自殺。丙辰,棄疾即位為王,改名熊居,是為平王。

平王以詐弒兩王而自立,恐國人及諸侯叛之,乃施惠百姓。復陳蔡之地而立其後如故,歸鄭之侵地。存恤國中,修政教。吳以楚亂故,獲五率以歸。平王謂觀從:「恣爾所欲。」欲為卜尹,王許之。

At this time, although Chu had already installed Zibi as king, the court feared King Ling's return and had received no news of his death. The advisor Guan Cong told the newly enthroned King Bi: "Unless you kill Qiji, you may have won the state but you will still meet disaster." The king said: "I cannot bring myself to do it." Guan Cong said: "Then others will bring themselves to act against you." The king refused to listen, and Guan Cong left. Qiji returned to the capital.

The people were seized with nightly panic, crying: "King Ling has come back!" On the night of the yimao day, Qiji sent boatmen to run along the river shouting: "King Ling has arrived!" The people were thrown into even greater terror. He then sent Man Chengran to tell King Bi and Chief Minister Zixi: "The king has returned! The people are about to kill you, and the Marshal's forces are on their way. You had best make your own arrangements while you can, rather than suffer humiliation. The fury of the crowd is like flood and fire — nothing can stop it." King Bi and Zixi thereupon killed themselves. On the bingchen day, Qiji ascended the throne, changed his name to Xiong Ju, and became King Ping.

King Ping had come to power by deceiving and destroying two kings. Fearing that the people and the lords would rebel against him, he bestowed generous benefits on the populace. He restored the territories of Chen and Cai and reestablished their ruling houses as before. He returned lands seized from Zheng. He cared for the people at home and reformed the government and its teachings. Wu, taking advantage of Chu's turmoil, captured five Chu commanders and took them home. King Ping told Guan Cong: "Ask for whatever you wish." Guan Cong requested the office of Divination Director, and the king granted it.

Notes

1context

Qiji's manipulation is a textbook palace coup. He manufactured the false rumor of King Ling's return to terrify both the populace and the rival king into paralysis, then used the resulting chaos to eliminate his competitors. Sima Qian's phrase 以詐弒兩王 ('by deception destroyed two kings') is a blunt moral verdict.

2person楚平王Chǔ Píng Wáng

King Ping of Chu (楚平王, r. 528–516 BC), born Qiji (棄疾), renamed Xiong Ju (熊居). His usurpation and subsequent mistreatment of the Wuzi family would eventually lead to the catastrophic Wu invasion of 506 BC.

3context

The restoration of Chen and Cai was a shrewd political move. King Ling had destroyed these states; by restoring them, King Ping simultaneously won goodwill, repudiated his predecessor's unpopular policies, and removed the issue that had fueled resentment against Chu among the feudal lords.

共王五子之命與叔向之論

The Fate of King Gong's Five Sons and Shu Xiang's Judgment

初,共王有寵子五人,無適立,乃望祭群神,請神決之,使主社稷,而陰與巴姬埋璧於室內,召五公子齋而入。康王跨之,靈王肘加之,子比、子晳皆遠之。平王幼,抱其上而拜,壓紐。故康王以長立,至其子失之;圍為靈王,及身而弒;子比為王十餘日,子晳不得立,又俱誅。四子皆絕無後。唯獨棄疾後立,為平王,竟續楚祀,如其神符。

初,子比自晉歸,韓宣子問叔向曰:「子比其濟乎?」對曰:「不就。」宣子曰:「同惡相求,如市賈焉,何為不就?」對曰:「無與同好,誰與同惡?取國有五難:有寵無人,一也;有人無主,二也;有主無謀,三也;有謀而無民,四也;有民而無德,五也。」子比在晉十三年矣,晉、楚之從不聞通者,可謂無人矣;族盡親叛,可謂無主矣;無釁而動,可謂無謀矣;為羈終世,可謂無民矣;亡無愛徵,可謂無德矣。王虐而不忌,子比涉五難以弒君,誰能濟之!有楚國者,其棄疾乎?君陳、蔡,方城外屬焉。苛慝不作,盜賊伏隱,私慾不違,民無怨心。先神命之,國民信之。琇姓有亂,必季實立,楚之常也。子比之官,則右尹也;數其貴寵,則庶子也;以神所命,則又遠之;民無懷焉,將何以立?

Earlier, King Gong had five favored sons but no designated heir. He therefore performed a distant sacrifice to the assembled gods, asking them to choose which son should preside over the altars of state. Secretly, he and Lady Ba buried a jade disc inside a chamber, then summoned the five princes to fast and enter. Prince Kang (the future King Kang) stepped over the jade. Prince Wei (the future King Ling) brushed it with his elbow. Zibi and Zixi both kept their distance from it. Prince Qiji was still an infant; he was carried in, and when he bowed, his sash-button pressed directly onto the jade. Thus King Kang was installed as the eldest, but his son lost the throne. Wei became King Ling, but was killed in his own lifetime. Zibi was king for barely ten days. Zixi never acceded and was killed alongside Zibi. All four branches died without heirs. Only Qiji eventually took the throne as King Ping and carried on the ancestral sacrifices of Chu — exactly as the divine omen had foretold.

Earlier, when Zibi returned from Jin, Han Xuanzi asked Shu Xiang: "Will Zibi succeed?" Shu Xiang replied: "He will not." Han Xuanzi said: "People who share a common enemy seek each other out, like merchants at a fair. Why would he fail?" Shu Xiang answered: "Without people who share your affections, who will share your enmities? Seizing a state involves five difficulties: having favor but no supporters — that is the first. Having supporters but no patron — the second. Having a patron but no strategy — the third. Having strategy but no popular base — the fourth. Having a popular base but no virtue — the fifth. Zibi has been in Jin for thirteen years, yet no communication between Jin's and Chu's followers has been reported — one may say he has no supporters. His clan is destroyed, his kin have turned against him — he has no patron. He acts without provocation — he has no strategy. He has spent his life as a dependent exile — he has no popular base. In exile, no one mourned his departure — he has no virtue. Though the king is tyrannical and heedless, Zibi faces all five difficulties in attempting to overthrow him. Who can help him succeed? The one who will rule Chu is surely Qiji. He governs Chen and Cai; the lands beyond Fangcheng defer to him. There is no harsh oppression, banditry is suppressed, private desires are kept in check, and the people bear no resentment. The gods have already chosen him, and the people trust him. When disorder strikes the Xiong clan, the youngest always prevails — this is Chu's pattern."

Notes

1context

The jade-disc divination is one of the Shiji's most memorable supernatural anecdotes. The infant Qiji's sash-button landing squarely on the hidden jade is presented as proof of divine election. Sima Qian's comment 如其神符 ('exactly as the divine sign foretold') is unusually direct for the skeptical historian.

2person叔向Shū Xiàng

Shu Xiang (叔向, c. 570–528 BC) was a Jin minister celebrated for his analytical brilliance. His 'five difficulties' framework for evaluating coup attempts is one of the earliest systematic political analyses recorded in Chinese historiography.

3context

Shu Xiang's long speech is drawn from the Zuozhuan (Zhao 13). Sima Qian includes it almost in full because it illustrates a key theme of the Hereditary Houses: that political success requires the alignment of legitimacy, talent, popular support, and moral authority — not merely ambition.

費無忌之讒與伍氏之禍

The Slanders of Fei Wuji and the Destruction of the Wu Family

平王二年,使費無忌如秦為太子建取婦。婦好,來,未至,無忌先歸,說平王曰:「秦女好,可自娶,為太子更求。」平王聽之,卒自娶秦女,生熊珍。更為太子娶。是時伍奢為太子太傅,無忌為少傅。無忌無寵於太子,常讒惡太子建。建時年十五矣,其母蔡女也,無寵於王,王稍益疏外建也。

六年,使太子建居城父,守邊。無忌又日夜讒太子建於王曰:「自無忌入秦女,太子怨,亦不能無望於王,王少自備焉。且太子居城父,擅兵,外交諸侯,且欲入矣。」平王召其傅伍奢責之。伍奢知無忌讒,乃曰:「王柰何以小臣疏骨肉?」無忌曰:「今不制,後悔也。」於是王遂囚伍奢。乃令司馬奮揚召太子建,欲誅之。太子聞之,亡奔宋。

無忌曰:「伍奢有二子,不殺者為楚國患。盍以免其父召之,必至。」於是王使使謂奢:「能致二子則生,不能將死。」奢曰:「尚至,胥不至。」王曰:「何也?」奢曰:「尚之為人,廉,死節,慈孝而仁,聞召而免父,必至,不顧其死。胥之為人,智而好謀,勇而矜功,知來必死,必不來。然為楚國憂者必此子。」於是王使人召之,曰:「來,吾免爾父。」伍尚謂伍胥曰:「聞父免而莫奔,不孝也;父戮莫報,無謀也;度能任事,知也。子其行矣,我其歸死。」伍尚遂歸。伍胥彎弓屬矢,出見使者,曰:「父有罪,何以召其子為?」將射,使者還走,遂出奔吳。伍奢聞之,曰:「胥亡,楚國危哉。」楚人遂殺伍奢及尚。

In King Ping's second year, he sent Fei Wuji to Qin to fetch a bride for Crown Prince Jian. The bride was beautiful. Before she arrived, Fei Wuji hurried back and told King Ping: "The Qin girl is beautiful — you should marry her yourself and find another bride for the crown prince." King Ping accepted this advice, married the Qin woman himself, and fathered Xiong Zhen by her. A different bride was found for the crown prince. At this time, Wu She served as the crown prince's Senior Tutor and Fei Wuji as his Junior Tutor. Fei Wuji had no favor with the crown prince and constantly slandered him. Prince Jian was then fifteen years old; his mother was a woman of Cai who had lost the king's favor, and the king gradually distanced himself from the prince.

In the sixth year, the king sent Crown Prince Jian to reside at Chengfu to guard the border. Fei Wuji continued slandering the prince to the king day and night: "Ever since I brought the Qin woman, the crown prince has harbored resentment. He cannot help but blame Your Majesty. You should take precautions. Moreover, the crown prince is at Chengfu with troops under his command and diplomatic contacts with other lords — he is about to march on the capital." King Ping summoned the prince's tutor Wu She and rebuked him. Wu She, knowing Fei Wuji was behind the slander, said: "How can Your Majesty let a petty minister drive a wedge between father and son?" Fei Wuji said: "If you do not act now, you will regret it later." The king thereupon imprisoned Wu She. He ordered Marshal Fen Yang to summon Crown Prince Jian, intending to execute him. The prince heard of it and fled to Song.

Fei Wuji said: "Wu She has two sons. If they are not killed, they will become a calamity for Chu. Offer to spare their father in order to summon them — they will certainly come." The king sent a messenger to tell Wu She: "If you can bring your two sons, you will live; if not, you will die." Wu She said: "Shang will come. Xu will not." The king asked why. Wu She said: "Shang is upright, ready to die for honor, devoted and humane. Hearing that he can save his father by coming, he will certainly come, regardless of his own death. Xu is intelligent and fond of planning, brave and proud of his achievements. Knowing he will die if he comes, he certainly will not come. But the one who will bring calamity upon Chu is this son." The king sent men to summon them, saying: "Come, and your father will be spared." Wu Shang said to Wu Xu: "To hear that our father can be saved and not go — that is unfilial. To see our father killed and not seek revenge — that is foolish. To assess one's ability to accomplish something — that is wisdom. You must go. I will go back and die." Wu Shang returned. Wu Xu drew his bow, nocked an arrow, came out to face the messengers, and said: "Our father is charged with a crime — why summon his sons?" He made as if to shoot, and the messengers fled. He then escaped to Wu. When Wu She heard the news, he said: "Now that Xu has escaped, Chu is in danger." The Chu court then executed Wu She and Wu Shang.

Notes

1person費無忌Fèi Wújì

Fei Wuji (費無忌) is one of the archetypal slanderous ministers in Chinese historiography. His manipulation of King Ping — stealing the crown prince's bride and then poisoning the king against his own son — set off a chain of events that nearly destroyed Chu.

2person伍奢Wǔ Shē

Wu She (伍奢) was the crown prince's tutor and father of Wu Zixu. His characterization of his two sons proved entirely accurate: Shang came back and died; Xu fled and brought devastating war upon Chu.

3person伍子胥Wǔ Zǐxū

Wu Xu (伍胥), better known as Wu Zixu (伍子胥), would become one of the most famous figures in Chinese history. His flight to Wu, his role in building Wu's military power, and his eventual return to sack the Chu capital and desecrate King Ping's tomb constitute one of the great revenge narratives of the ancient world.

4context

The parting of Wu Shang and Wu Xu is one of the most celebrated dialogues in early Chinese literature. Shang's formulation — unfilial not to go, foolish not to avenge, wise to assess one's capacity — perfectly captures the irreconcilable demands of loyalty, filial piety, and pragmatism.

平王末年與昭王即位

The Last Years of King Ping and the Accession of King Zhao

十年,楚太子建母在居巢,開吳。吳使公子光伐楚,遂敗陳、蔡,取太子建母而去。楚恐,城郢。初,吳之邊邑卑梁與楚邊邑鍾離小童爭桑,兩家交怒相攻,滅卑梁人。卑梁大夫怒,發邑兵攻鍾離。楚王聞之怒,發國兵滅卑梁。吳王聞之大怒,亦發兵,使公子光因建母家攻楚,遂滅鍾離、居巢。楚乃恐而城郢。

十三年,平王卒。將軍子常曰:「太子珍少,且其母乃前太子建所當娶也。」欲立令尹子西。子西,平王之庶弟也,有義。子西曰:「國有常法,更立則亂,言之則致誅。」乃立太子珍,是為昭王。

昭王元年,楚眾不說費無忌,以其讒亡太子建,殺伍奢子父與郤宛。宛之宗姓伯氏子嚭及子胥皆奔吳,吳兵數侵楚,楚人怨無忌甚。楚令尹子常誅無忌以說眾,眾乃喜。

In the tenth year, the mother of Crown Prince Jian was residing at Juchao and secretly communicated with Wu. Wu sent Gongzi Guang to attack Chu, defeating Chen and Cai and carrying off Prince Jian's mother. Chu was alarmed and fortified the walls of Ying. The conflict had originated when children from the Wu border town of Beiliang and the Chu border town of Zhongli quarreled over mulberry trees. The two families attacked each other in anger, and the Beiliang people were wiped out. The Beiliang magistrate, furious, raised the town's militia and attacked Zhongli. The King of Chu, enraged, sent the national army and destroyed Beiliang. The King of Wu, even more furious, also sent troops. He dispatched Gongzi Guang, who used Prince Jian's mother's household as a base to attack Chu, destroying Zhongli and Juchao. Only then did Chu become alarmed enough to fortify Ying.

In the thirteenth year, King Ping died. General Zichang said: "The Crown Prince Zhen is young, and moreover his mother was originally the bride intended for the former crown prince Jian." He proposed installing Zixi, a half-brother of King Ping, as king instead. Zixi was a man of principle. He said: "The state has its standing rules. To change the succession breeds disorder, and to propose such a change invites execution." So Crown Prince Zhen was enthroned as King Zhao.

In King Zhao's first year, the Chu populace was bitter against Fei Wuji, because his slanders had driven Crown Prince Jian into exile, caused the death of Wu She and his son, and destroyed Xi Wan. Members of Xi Wan's Boshi clan, including Zi Pi, along with Wu Zixu, had all fled to Wu, and Wu's armies repeatedly invaded Chu. The people's hatred of Fei Wuji was intense. The Chief Minister Zichang executed Fei Wuji to appease the public, and the people were pleased.

Notes

1context

The mulberry-tree incident is one of the most famous examples in Chinese historiography of how trivial causes can lead to catastrophic consequences. A quarrel between children over mulberry leaves escalated through successive retaliations into full-scale interstate war.

2person楚昭王Chǔ Zhāo Wáng

King Zhao of Chu (楚昭王, r. 515–489 BC), personal name Zhen (珍). His reign encompassed Chu's darkest hour — the fall of the capital to Wu — and its recovery. Sima Qian and Confucius both praised him as a worthy ruler.

3person子西Zǐ Xī

Zixi (子西), King Ping's half-brother, repeatedly appears as a voice of constitutional propriety. His refusal to take the throne here foreshadows his later murder by Bai Gong.

吳師入郢

The Wu Army Enters Ying

四年,吳三公子奔楚,楚封之以扞吳。五年,吳伐取楚之六、潛。七年,楚使子常伐吳,吳大敗楚於豫章。

十年冬,吳王闔閭、伍子胥、伯嚭與唐、蔡俱伐楚,楚大敗,吳兵遂入郢,辱平王之墓,以伍子胥故也。吳兵之來,楚使子常以兵迎之,夾漢水陣。吳伐敗子常,子常亡奔鄭。楚兵走,吳乘勝逐之,五戰及郢。己卯,昭王出奔。庚辰,吳人入郢。

In the fourth year, three Wu princes defected to Chu, which enfeoffed them as a buffer against Wu. In the fifth year, Wu attacked and seized Chu's cities of Liu and Qian. In the seventh year, Chu sent Zichang to attack Wu, but Wu inflicted a major defeat on Chu at Yuzhang.

In the winter of the tenth year, King Helu of Wu, together with Wu Zixu and Bo Pi, joined forces with Tang and Cai to invade Chu. Chu suffered a catastrophic defeat, and Wu's armies entered the capital Ying, where they desecrated King Ping's tomb — this was because of Wu Zixu's vendetta. When Wu's forces approached, Chu had sent Zichang with an army to meet them, deploying on both sides of the Han River. Wu defeated Zichang, who fled to Zheng. The Chu army collapsed and Wu pursued them relentlessly, fighting five battles before reaching Ying. On the jimao day, King Zhao fled the capital. On the gengchen day, the Wu army entered Ying.

Notes

1context

The fall of Ying in 506 BC was the most devastating military disaster in Chu's history. The sack of the capital by Wu — a state Chu had long dismissed as barbarian — shocked the entire Zhou world. Wu Zixu's desecration of King Ping's tomb (traditionally said to involve whipping the corpse) became one of the most debated acts of vengeance in Chinese moral philosophy.

2person吳王闔閭Wú Wáng Hélǘ

King Helu of Wu (吳王闔閭, r. 514–496 BC) transformed Wu from a regional power into a state capable of defeating Chu's main army and occupying its capital. His partnership with Wu Zixu and the strategist Sun Wu (孫武, author of The Art of War) was decisive.

3person伯嚭Bó Pǐ

Bo Pi (伯嚭) was, like Wu Zixu, a Chu exile who rose to prominence in Wu. He would later become Wu Zixu's political rival and contributed to Wu Zixu's downfall under King Fuchai.

昭王流亡與申包胥哭秦

King Zhao's Flight and Shen Baoxu's Appeal to Qin

昭王亡也至雲夢。雲夢不知其王也,射傷王。王走鄖。鄖公之弟懷曰:「平王殺吾父,今我殺其子,不亦可乎?」鄖公止之,然恐其弒昭王,乃與王出奔隨。吳王聞昭王往,即進擊隨,謂隨人曰:「周之子孫封於江漢之間者,楚盡滅之。」欲殺昭王。王從臣子綦乃深匿王,自以為王,謂隨人曰:「以我予吳。」隨人卜予吳,不吉,乃謝吳王曰:「昭王亡,不在隨。」吳請入自索之,隨不聽,吳亦罷去。

昭王之出郢也,使申鮑胥請救於秦。秦以車五百乘救楚,楚亦收餘散兵,與秦擊吳。十一年六月,敗吳於稷。會吳王弟夫概見吳王兵傷敗,乃亡歸,自立為王。闔閭聞之,引兵去楚,歸擊夫概。夫概敗,奔楚,楚封之堂谿,號為堂谿氏。

楚昭王滅唐九月,歸入郢。十二年,吳復伐楚,取番。楚恐,去郢,北徙都鄀。

King Zhao fled as far as Yunmeng. The people of Yunmeng did not recognize him as their king and shot him, wounding him. The king fled on to Yun. The Lord of Yun's brother Huai said: "King Ping killed my father. Now let me kill his son — is that not fair?" The Lord of Yun restrained him, but fearing Huai might still assassinate King Zhao, he fled with the king to Sui. When the King of Wu learned that King Zhao had gone to Sui, he advanced and attacked it, telling the Sui people: "All the descendants of the Zhou royal house who were enfeoffed between the Yangtze and the Han — Chu destroyed every one of them." He intended to kill King Zhao. The king's attendant Ziqi hid the king deep within the city, then impersonated him and told the Sui people: "Hand me over to Wu." The Sui people performed a divination on whether to surrender him to Wu; the result was inauspicious. They therefore told the King of Wu: "King Zhao has fled; he is not in Sui." Wu requested permission to enter and search, but Sui refused. Wu withdrew.

When King Zhao had first fled Ying, he sent Shen Baoxu to request aid from Qin. Qin dispatched five hundred war chariots to rescue Chu. Chu also rallied its remaining scattered troops and, together with Qin, struck Wu. In the sixth month of the eleventh year, they defeated Wu at Ji. It happened that the King of Wu's brother Fugai, seeing that Wu's forces were being defeated, fled home and proclaimed himself king. When Helu heard this, he withdrew from Chu and returned to attack Fugai. Fugai was defeated and fled to Chu, which enfeoffed him at Tangxi, and his line became known as the Tangxi clan.

King Zhao destroyed Tang and, in the ninth month, returned to Ying. In the twelfth year, Wu again attacked Chu and captured Fan. Chu, alarmed, abandoned Ying and moved its capital northward to Ruo.

Notes

1person申包胥Shēn Bāoxū

Shen Baoxu (申鮑胥, also written 申包胥) is famous for weeping at the Qin court for seven days and nights until the Duke of Qin agreed to send an army to save Chu. His mission is one of the great diplomatic feats of the Spring and Autumn period. Sima Qian's account here is compressed; the Zuozhuan provides the dramatic details.

2person子綦Zǐ Qí

Ziqi (子綦) impersonated the king to protect him — a remarkable act of self-sacrifice that saved the Chu royal line from extinction.

3context

Wu's invasion collapsed not because of military defeat alone but because of internal treachery: Fugai's rebellion forced Helu to abandon the Chu campaign. This pattern — external overextension triggering internal revolt — would repeat when Wu itself fell to Yue two decades later.

昭王之賢與卒於軍中

The Virtue of King Zhao and His Death in the Field

十六年,孔子相魯。二十年,楚滅頓,滅胡。二十一年,吳王闔閭伐越。越王句踐射傷吳王,遂死。吳由此怨越而不西伐楚。

二十七年春,吳伐陳,楚昭王救之,軍城父。十月,昭王病於軍中,有赤雲如鳥,夾日而蜚。昭王問周太史,太史曰:「是害於楚王,然可移於將相。」將相聞是言,乃請自以身禱於神。昭王曰:「將相,孤之股肱也,今移禍,庸去是身乎!」弗聽。卜而河為祟,大夫請禱河。昭王曰:「自吾先王受封,望不過江、漢,而河非所獲罪也。」止不許。孔子在陳,聞是言,曰:「楚昭王通大道矣。其不失國,宜哉!」

昭王病甚,乃召諸公子大夫曰:「孤不佞,再辱楚國之師,今乃得以天壽終,孤之幸也。」讓其弟公子申為王,不可。又讓次弟公子結,亦不可。乃又讓次弟公子閭,五讓,乃後許為王。將戰,庚寅,昭王卒於軍中。子閭曰:「王病甚,舍其子讓群臣,臣所以許王,以廣王意也。今君王卒,臣豈敢忘君王之意乎!」乃與子西、子綦謀,伏師閉塗,迎越女之子章立之,是為惠王。然後罷兵歸,葬昭王。

In the sixteenth year, Confucius served as minister in Lu. In the twentieth year, Chu destroyed Dun and Hu. In the twenty-first year, King Helu of Wu attacked Yue. King Goujian of Yue shot and mortally wounded the King of Wu, who subsequently died. Wu thereafter bore a grudge against Yue and ceased its westward campaigns against Chu.

In the spring of the twenty-seventh year, Wu attacked Chen. King Zhao of Chu went to Chen's rescue, stationing his army at Chengfu. In the tenth month, King Zhao fell ill in camp. A red cloud shaped like a bird appeared, flanking the sun in flight. King Zhao consulted the Grand Astrologer of Zhou, who said: "This is harmful to the King of Chu, but the misfortune can be transferred to his generals and ministers." The generals and ministers, upon hearing this, offered to undergo the ritual sacrifice on the king's behalf. King Zhao said: "My generals and ministers are my arms and legs. To shift the calamity onto them — how would that preserve this body of mine?" He refused. When divination identified the Yellow River as the source of the curse, his ministers urged him to pray to the River. King Zhao said: "Since my ancestors received their fief, our sacrificial obligations extend no further than the Yangtze and the Han. The Yellow River is not a power we have offended." He forbade the prayer. Confucius, who was in Chen at the time, heard these words and said: "King Zhao of Chu understands the great Way. That he did not lose his state — how fitting!"

King Zhao's illness worsened. He summoned the princes and ministers and said: "I have been without talent. Twice I brought humiliation upon Chu's armies. That I may now die of natural causes is my good fortune." He offered the throne to his brother Gongzi Shen, who declined. He offered it to the next brother, Gongzi Jie, who also declined. He then offered it to the next brother, Gongzi Lü. After five refusals, Lü at last agreed. As battle was imminent, on the gengyin day, King Zhao died in camp. Gongzi Lü said: "The king was gravely ill and, setting aside his own sons, offered the succession to his ministers. I accepted only to ease the king's mind. Now that our lord has died, how could I dare ignore his sons?" He consulted with Zixi and Ziqi, concealed the army's movements, closed the roads, and sent for Prince Zhang, the king's son by a woman of Yue, installing him as King Hui. Only then did they withdraw the army and return to bury King Zhao.

Notes

1context

King Zhao's refusal to transfer his misfortune to his ministers and his insistence on theological propriety (refusing to pray to a river outside Chu's ritual jurisdiction) are presented as proofs of his moral seriousness. Confucius's endorsement — rare in the Shiji — elevates King Zhao into the small company of rulers the sage deemed worthy.

2person公子閭Gōngzǐ Lǘ

Gongzi Lü (公子閭) demonstrated the same principled restraint as Zixi before him: accepting the offered kingship only to comfort the dying king, then immediately yielding it to the rightful heir. This contrasts sharply with the bloody power struggles of the previous generation.

3person楚惠王Chǔ Huì Wáng

King Hui of Chu (楚惠王, r. 488–432 BC), personal name Zhang (章), was the son of King Zhao by a Yue consort. His long reign of fifty-seven years was the longest of any Chu king and saw the state's recovery from the crisis of 506 BC.

白公之亂

The Rebellion of Bai Gong

惠王二年,子西召故平王太子建之子勝於吳,以為巢大夫,號曰白公。白公好兵而下士,欲報仇。六年,白公請兵令尹子西伐鄭。初,白公父建亡在鄭,鄭殺之,白公亡走吳,子西復召之,故以此怨鄭,欲伐之。子西許而未為發兵。八年,晉伐鄭,鄭告急楚,楚使子西救鄭,受賂而去。白公勝怒,乃遂與勇力死士石乞等襲殺令尹子西、子綦於朝,因劫惠王,置之高府,欲弒之。惠王從者屈固負王亡走昭王夫人宮。白公自立為王。月餘,會葉公來救楚,楚惠王之徒與共攻白公,殺之。惠王乃復位。是歲也,滅陳而縣之。

In King Hui's second year, Zixi summoned Sheng — the son of the late Crown Prince Jian of King Ping's era — from Wu and appointed him magistrate of Chao, with the title Bai Gong (Lord of Bai). Bai Gong was fond of military arts and cultivated men of valor, harboring a desire for revenge. In the sixth year, Bai Gong requested that Chief Minister Zixi dispatch troops to attack Zheng. His father, Crown Prince Jian, had fled to Zheng and been killed there; Bai Gong himself had escaped to Wu before Zixi recalled him. This was the basis of his grudge against Zheng. Zixi promised to act but never mobilized the army. In the eighth year, Jin attacked Zheng. Zheng appealed to Chu for help, and Chu sent Zixi to rescue Zheng — but Zixi accepted a bribe and withdrew. Bai Gong Sheng was furious. He and his retainers, fierce warriors led by Shi Qi, launched a sudden assault and killed Chief Minister Zixi and Ziqi in the court. They then seized King Hui, confined him in the Gaofu, and intended to kill him. The king's attendant Qu Gu carried the king on his back and fled to the palace of King Zhao's consort. Bai Gong proclaimed himself king. After about a month, the Duke of Ye came to Chu's rescue. He and King Hui's loyalists together attacked Bai Gong and killed him. King Hui was restored to the throne. In the same year, Chu destroyed the state of Chen and converted it into a commandery.

Notes

1person白公勝Bái Gōng Shèng

Bai Gong Sheng (白公勝) was the grandson of King Ping through the ill-fated Crown Prince Jian. His rebellion was driven by a multi-generational vendetta: his grandfather had been wronged, his father killed in exile. His story was later paired with Wu Zixu's as an example of the destructive power of hereditary revenge.

2person葉公Yè Gōng

The Duke of Ye (葉公, Shen Zhuliang 沈諸梁) is better known in Chinese popular culture for the idiom 'Lord Ye's love of dragons' (葉公好龍), but historically he was an effective military leader whose intervention saved the Chu monarchy.

3context

The destruction of Chen (陳) and its conversion to a county (縣) marked the end of an ancient state. Chen had been destroyed and restored multiple times — by Chu under King Ling and again now under King Hui. This time the annexation was permanent.

惠王之長治與楚之東拓

King Hui's Long Reign and Chu's Eastern Expansion

十三年,吳王夫差彊,陵齊、晉,來伐楚。十六年,越滅吳。四十二年,楚滅蔡。四十四年,楚滅杞。與秦平。是時越已滅吳而不能正江、淮北;楚東侵,廣地至泗上。

五十七年,惠王卒,子簡王中立。

In the thirteenth year, King Fuchai of Wu, at the height of his power, was bullying Qi and Jin and came to attack Chu. In the sixteenth year, Yue destroyed Wu. In the forty-second year, Chu destroyed Cai. In the forty-fourth year, Chu destroyed Qi. Chu made peace with Qin. By this time, Yue had destroyed Wu but could not maintain control over the lands north of the Yangtze and Huai rivers. Chu expanded eastward, extending its territory as far as the Si River region.

In the fifty-seventh year, King Hui died. His son, King Jian (Zhong), succeeded him.

Notes

1context

The Qi (杞) destroyed here is the small state of Qi (杞, not to be confused with the great state of Qi 齊), a remnant of the Xia royal line that had survived in diminished form since antiquity. Its destruction, along with Cai, completed Chu's absorption of the minor states along its northeastern frontier.

2context

Chu's eastward expansion into the power vacuum left by Wu's destruction was a strategic turning point. The Si River region (泗上) placed Chu in direct contact with — and competition with — Qi and the central plains states, setting the stage for Warring States geopolitics.

簡王與聲王

Kings Jian and Sheng

簡王元年,北伐滅莒。八年,魏文侯、韓武子、趙桓子始列為諸侯。

二十四年,簡王卒,子聲王當立。聲王六年,盜殺聲王,子悼王熊疑立。

In King Jian's first year, Chu launched a northern campaign and destroyed Ju. In the eighth year, Marquis Wen of Wei, Lord Wu of Han, and Lord Huan of Zhao were for the first time recognized as feudal lords.

In the twenty-fourth year, King Jian died. His son, King Sheng, succeeded him. In King Sheng's sixth year, bandits killed King Sheng. His son, King Dao (Xiong Yi), succeeded him.

Notes

1context

The recognition of Wei, Han, and Zhao as independent feudal lords in 403 BC is traditionally considered the beginning of the Warring States period. The old state of Jin was formally partitioned, fundamentally altering the balance of power.

2person楚聲王Chǔ Shēng Wáng

King Sheng of Chu (楚聲王, r. 407–402 BC) was murdered by bandits (盜) — a shocking end suggesting deep internal instability. Sima Qian provides no further explanation, but the brevity itself is telling.

悼王用吳起與三晉之患

King Dao, the Reforms of Wu Qi, and the Threat of the Three Jin

悼王二年,三晉來伐楚,至乘丘而還。四年,楚伐周。鄭殺子陽。九年,伐韓,取負黍。十一年,三晉伐楚,敗我大梁、榆關。楚厚賂秦,與之平。二十一年,悼王卒,子肅王臧立。

In King Dao's second year, the Three Jin states invaded Chu, advancing as far as Chengqiu before withdrawing. In the fourth year, Chu attacked Zhou. Zheng killed Ziyang. In the ninth year, Chu attacked Han and took Fushu. In the eleventh year, the Three Jin attacked Chu and defeated our forces at Daliang and Yuguan. Chu offered lavish bribes to Qin and made peace with it.

In the twenty-first year, King Dao died. His son, King Su (Zang), succeeded him.

Notes

1context

King Dao's reign (401–381 BC) is notable for an event Sima Qian does not detail here but covers in the Wu Qi biography (Shiji ch. 65): Wu Qi's comprehensive reforms of the Chu government and military. Wu Qi curtailed the power of the hereditary nobility, strengthened the army, and briefly made Chu a formidable competitor. Upon King Dao's death, the nobles revolted and killed Wu Qi at the king's funeral.

2context

The Three Jin (三晉) — Wei, Han, and Zhao — were the three successor states of the old Jin confederation. Their repeated invasions of Chu in this period reflect the new military dynamism of the Warring States era, where the partitioned states individually rivaled Chu in aggression.

3context

Chu's strategy of bribing Qin to counterbalance the Three Jin became a recurring pattern in Warring States diplomacy. It foreshadowed the later horizontal (連衡) and vertical (合縱) alliance systems.

肅王與宣王

Kings Su and Xuan

肅王四年,蜀伐楚,取茲方。於是楚為扞關以距之。十年,魏取我魯陽。十一年,肅王卒,無子,立其弟熊良夫,是為宣王。

宣王六年,周天子賀秦獻公。秦始復彊,而三晉益大,魏惠王、齊威王尤彊。三十年,秦封衛鞅於商,南侵楚。是年,宣王卒,子威王熊商立。

In King Su's fourth year, Shu attacked Chu and seized Zifang. Chu thereupon built the Han Pass to defend against them. In the tenth year, Wei took Luyang from Chu. In the eleventh year, King Su died without an heir. His brother, Xiong Liangfu, was installed as King Xuan.

In King Xuan's sixth year, the Son of Heaven sent congratulations to Duke Xian of Qin. Qin was beginning to grow strong again, while the Three Jin continued to expand and Wei under King Hui and Qi under King Wei were especially powerful. In the thirtieth year, Qin enfeoffed Wei Yang at Shang, and Qin encroached southward into Chu's territory. In that same year, King Xuan died. His son, King Wei (Xiong Shang), succeeded him.

Notes

1place

The Han Pass (扞關) was built by Chu to defend against Shu (Ba-Shu, modern Sichuan) incursions along the Yangtze gorges. It was located in the area of modern Changyang or Badong, Hubei.

2person商鞅Shāng Yāng

Wei Yang (衛鞅), better known as Shang Yang (商鞅, d. 338 BC), was the Legalist reformer who transformed Qin into the most powerful state in China. His enfeoffment at Shang in 340 BC — and Qin's subsequent southern pressure on Chu — marks the beginning of the Qin-Chu confrontation that would dominate the next century.

3context

King Su's death without an heir, requiring the succession to pass to his brother, reflects the institutional fragility of the Chu royal house during the early Warring States period. Combined with King Sheng's assassination by bandits and King Dao's nobles revolting at his funeral, this was a dynasty under severe stress.

肅王與宣王

King Su and King Xuan of Chu

肅王四年,蜀伐楚,取茲方。於是楚為扞關以距之。十年,魏取我魯陽。十一年,肅王卒,無子,立其弟熊良夫,是為宣王。

宣王六年,周天子賀秦獻公。秦始復彊,而三晉益大,魏惠王、齊威王尤彊。三十年,秦封衛鞅於商,南侵楚。是年,宣王卒,子威王熊商立。

In the fourth year of King Su, Shu attacked Chu and seized Zifang. Chu thereupon built the Han Pass to block them. In the tenth year, Wei took Luyang from Chu. In the eleventh year, King Su died without an heir, and his younger brother Xiong Liangfu was installed. He was King Xuan.

In the sixth year of King Xuan, the Zhou Son of Heaven congratulated Duke Xian of Qin. Qin was beginning to recover its strength, while the three states of Jin grew ever larger, with King Hui of Wei and King Wei of Qi being particularly powerful. In the thirtieth year, Qin enfeoffed Wei Yang at Shang, and he encroached southward on Chu. That same year, King Xuan died, and his son King Wei, Xiong Shang, succeeded him.

Notes

1place

Zifang (茲方) was a Chu territory in the upper Yangtze region bordering Shu (Sichuan). The Han Pass (扞關) was built in the Three Gorges area to defend against Shu incursions from the west.

2person衛鞅Wèi Yāng

Wei Yang (衛鞅), also known as Lord Shang (商鞅 Shang Yang), was the Legalist reformer who transformed Qin into a centralised military state. His enfeoffment at Shang (in modern Shaanxi) gave him the name by which he is best known.

威王伐齊與田嬰事件

King Wei Defeats Qi and the Tian Ying Affair

威王六年,周顯王致文武胙於秦惠王。

七年,齊孟嘗君父田嬰欺楚,楚威王伐齊,敗之於徐州,而令齊必逐田嬰。田嬰恐,張醜偽謂楚王曰:「王所以戰勝於徐州者,田盼子不用也。盼子者,有功於國,而百姓為之用。嬰子弗善而用申紀。申紀者,大臣不附,百姓不為用,故王勝之也。今王逐嬰子,嬰子逐,盼子必用矣。復搏其士卒以與王遇,必不便於王矣。」楚王因弗逐也。

十一年,威王卒,子懷王熊槐立。魏聞楚喪,伐楚,取我陘山。

In the sixth year of King Wei, King Xian of Zhou presented sacrificial meat from the rites of Kings Wen and Wu to King Hui of Qin.

In the seventh year, Tian Ying, the father of Lord Mengchang of Qi, offended Chu. King Wei of Chu attacked Qi and defeated them at Xuzhou, then demanded that Qi expel Tian Ying. Tian Ying was alarmed. Zhang Chou pretended to advise the King of Chu, saying: "The reason Your Majesty won at Xuzhou is that Tian Panzi was not employed. Panzi has merit in the state, and the common people serve him willingly. Tian Ying dismissed him in favor of Shen Ji. Shen Ji commands no loyalty from the great ministers, and the people will not fight for him — that is why Your Majesty prevailed. Now if Your Majesty expels Tian Ying, Panzi will certainly be put in charge again. He will rally the troops and meet Your Majesty in battle, and the result will not be favorable for you." The King of Chu therefore did not insist on Tian Ying's expulsion.

In the eleventh year, King Wei died, and his son King Huai, Xiong Huai, succeeded him. Wei, hearing of Chu's mourning, attacked and took Mount Xing from Chu.

Notes

1context

The presentation of sacrificial meat (胙) from the rites of Kings Wen and Wu to Qin was a highly significant symbolic act, recognising Qin's growing power as legitimate heir to the Zhou legacy.

2person田嬰Tián Yīng

Tian Ying (田嬰) was a prince of Qi and the father of Tian Wen (田文), the famous Lord Mengchang (孟嘗君), one of the Four Lords of the Warring States.

3person張醜Zhāng Chǒu

Zhang Chou (張醜) was an adviser acting on Tian Ying's behalf. His argument was a clever bluff: by warning that expelling Tian Ying would strengthen Qi, he dissuaded Chu from pressing its advantage.

昭陽畫蛇添足

Zhao Yang and the Story of Drawing Legs on a Snake

懷王元年,張儀始相秦惠王。四年,秦惠王初稱王。

六年,楚使柱國昭陽將兵而攻魏,破之於襄陵,得八邑。又移兵而攻齊,齊王患之。陳軫適為秦使齊,齊王曰:「為之柰何?」陳軫曰:「王勿憂,請令罷之。」即往見昭陽軍中,曰:「原聞楚國之法,破軍殺將者何以貴之?」昭陽曰:「其官為上柱國,封上爵執珪。」陳軫曰:「其有貴於此者乎?」昭陽曰:「令尹。」陳軫曰:「今君已為令尹矣,此國冠之上。臣請得譬之。人有遺其舍人一卮酒者,舍人相謂曰:『數人飲此,不足以遍,請遂畫地為蛇,蛇先成者獨飲之。』一人曰:『吾蛇先成。』舉酒而起,曰:『吾能為之足。』及其為之足,而後成人奪之酒而飲之,曰:『蛇固無足,今為之足,是非蛇也。』今君相楚而攻魏,破軍殺將,功莫大焉,冠之上不可以加矣。今又移兵而攻齊,攻齊勝之,官爵不加於此;攻之不勝,身死爵奪,有毀於楚:此為蛇為足之說也。不若引兵而去以德齊,此持滿之術也。」昭陽曰:「善。」引兵而去。

燕、韓君初稱王。秦使張儀與楚、齊、魏相會,盟齧桑。

In the first year of King Huai, Zhang Yi first became chancellor of King Hui of Qin. In the fourth year, King Hui of Qin formally assumed the title of king.

In the sixth year, Chu sent the Pillar of State Zhao Yang to lead an army against Wei. He defeated Wei at Xiangling and captured eight cities. He then redirected his forces to attack Qi. The King of Qi was alarmed. Chen Zhen happened to be in Qi as an envoy from Qin. The King of Qi asked: "What can be done about this?" Chen Zhen said: "Your Majesty need not worry. Allow me to make him withdraw."

He went to Zhao Yang's camp and said: "May I ask — under Chu's laws, what honor is given to a general who destroys an army and kills its commander?" Zhao Yang replied: "The rank of Senior Pillar of State and the highest noble title, Holder of the Jade Tablet." Chen Zhen asked: "Is there any rank higher than that?" Zhao Yang said: "Only the office of Chief Minister."

Chen Zhen said: "You are already Chief Minister — the highest position in the state. Allow me an analogy. A man gave his servants a single goblet of wine. The servants said to one another: 'There is not enough for all of us to drink. Let us each draw a snake on the ground, and whoever finishes first shall drink it alone.' One man finished first and raised the goblet, saying: 'I can even add legs to it.' But while he was drawing the legs, another man finished his snake, snatched the goblet away, and drank, saying: 'A snake has no legs. By adding legs, you made something that is not a snake.' Now you serve as Chu's Chief Minister and have crushed Wei, destroying its army and killing its general — no achievement could be greater, and no rank can be added to yours. If you now attack Qi and succeed, your rank and office will not increase. If you fail, you die and lose everything, bringing ruin on Chu. This is the parable of drawing legs on a snake. Better to withdraw your army and earn Qi's gratitude — this is the art of knowing when to stop."

Zhao Yang said: "Well spoken," and withdrew his forces.

The rulers of Yan and Han first assumed the title of king. Qin sent Zhang Yi to meet with Chu, Qi, and Wei, and they swore an alliance at Niesang.

Notes

1person陳軫Chén Zhěn

Chen Zhen (陳軫) was a diplomat originally from Chu who served variously in Qin and Chu. He was a rival of Zhang Yi and appears repeatedly in Warring States accounts as a shrewd adviser.

2context

This passage is the origin of the famous Chinese idiom 畫蛇添足 ('drawing legs on a snake'), meaning to ruin something by adding unnecessary embellishments. It remains one of the most commonly used idioms in modern Chinese.

3person昭陽Zhāo Yáng

Zhao Yang (昭陽) was a powerful Chu general holding the titles of Pillar of State (柱國) and Chief Minister (令尹). His willingness to heed Chen Zhen's advice preserved a potential disaster for Qi.

蘇秦合從攻秦

Su Qin's Vertical Alliance Against Qin

十一年,蘇秦約從山東六國共攻秦,楚懷王為從長。至函谷關,秦出兵擊六國,六國兵皆引而歸,齊獨後。十二年,齊湣王伐敗趙、魏軍,秦亦伐敗韓,與齊爭長。

In the eleventh year, Su Qin organized a Vertical Alliance of the six states east of the mountains to jointly attack Qin, with King Huai of Chu as the alliance's leader. They advanced as far as Hangu Pass, but Qin sent troops out to strike the six states, and all six armies withdrew and returned home. Only Qi lingered behind. In the twelfth year, King Min of Qi defeated the armies of Zhao and Wei, while Qin likewise defeated Han, and Qi and Qin vied for supremacy.

Notes

1person蘇秦Sū Qín

Su Qin (蘇秦) was the most famous proponent of the Vertical Alliance (合從/合縱), a strategy to unite the six eastern states in a north-south axis against Qin. He is traditionally paired with Zhang Yi, champion of the rival Horizontal Alliance (連橫) that sought to bind individual states to Qin.

2context

Chu's appointment as leader (從長) of the Vertical Alliance reflected its status as the largest and most powerful of the six eastern states at this time. The alliance's collapse at Hangu Pass demonstrated the fundamental weakness of the coalition: no state was willing to bear the cost of a prolonged fight against Qin.

張儀欺楚

Zhang Yi Deceives Chu with the Offer of Six Hundred Li

十六年,秦欲伐齊,而楚與齊從親,秦惠王患之,乃宣言張儀免相,使張儀南見楚王,謂楚王曰:「敝邑之王所甚說者無先大王,雖儀之所甚原為門闌之廝者亦無先大王。敝邑之王所甚憎者無先齊王,雖儀之所甚憎者亦無先齊王。而大王和之,是以敝邑之王不得事王,而令儀亦不得為門闌之廝也。王為儀閉關而絕齊,今使使者從儀西取故秦所分楚商於之地方六百里,如是則齊弱矣。是北弱齊,西德於秦,私商於以為富,此一計而三利俱至也。」懷王大悅,乃置相璽於張儀,日與置酒,宣言「吾復得吾商於之地」。群臣皆賀,而陳軫獨吊。懷王曰:「何故?」陳軫對曰:「秦之所為重王者,以王之有齊也。今地未可得而齊交先絕,是楚孤也。夫秦又何重孤國哉,必輕楚矣。且先出地而後絕齊,則秦計不為。先絕齊而後責地,則必見欺於張儀。見欺於張儀,則王必怨之。怨之,是西起秦患,北絕齊交。西起秦患,北絕齊交,則兩國之兵必至。臣故吊。」楚王弗聽,因使一將軍西受封地。

In the sixteenth year, Qin wished to attack Qi, but Chu was bound to Qi by the Vertical Alliance. King Hui of Qin was troubled by this, so he publicly announced that Zhang Yi had been dismissed as chancellor and sent Zhang Yi south to see the King of Chu.

Zhang Yi told King Huai: "No one delights our king more than Your Majesty, and no one would I myself rather serve as a mere gatekeeper. But no one does our king detest more than the King of Qi, and no one do I detest more either. Yet Your Majesty is allied with Qi — and so our king cannot serve you, nor can I serve as your gatekeeper. If Your Majesty will close your borders and break with Qi, I will have an envoy accompany me west to reclaim for Chu the Shangyu territory of six hundred li that Qin previously took. In this way, you weaken Qi to the north, earn Qin's gratitude to the west, and privately gain Shangyu's wealth — one plan yielding three benefits at once."

King Huai was overjoyed. He bestowed the chancellor's seal on Zhang Yi, held banquets with him daily, and publicly announced: "I have recovered our Shangyu lands!" All his ministers offered congratulations — except Chen Zhen, who offered condolences.

King Huai asked: "Why?"

Chen Zhen replied: "The reason Qin values Your Majesty is that you are allied with Qi. Now you will break with Qi before receiving any land — Chu will be isolated. Why would Qin value an isolated state? It will certainly hold Chu in contempt. Moreover, if Qin were to hand over the land first and then have you break with Qi, the scheme would fail. So Qin will insist you break with Qi first and claim the land afterward — at which point Zhang Yi will certainly cheat you. Once he cheats you, Your Majesty will resent him. Resentment means you provoke Qin to the west while severing ties with Qi to the north. With both states' armies bearing down on you, the result is certain. That is why I offer condolences."

King Huai would not listen and sent a general west to receive the territory.

Notes

1person張儀Zhāng Yí

Zhang Yi (張儀, d. 309 BC) was the chief architect of Qin's Horizontal Alliance (連橫) diplomacy. A native of Wei and a student of the Guiguzi school along with Su Qin, he served as Qin's chancellor and was legendary for his persuasive skills and ruthless manipulation of rival states.

2place

Shangyu (商於) was a strategic region between Qin and Chu, roughly corresponding to the area around modern Danfeng and Shangnan counties in southeastern Shaanxi. The offer of 'six hundred li' was extravagant — and entirely fabricated.

3context

This episode is one of the most famous diplomatic deceptions in Chinese history. Chen Zhen's analysis was flawless: Chu's value to Qin lay entirely in its alliance with Qi. By breaking that alliance on the basis of a mere promise, King Huai threw away his only bargaining chip. The phrase 'one plan, three benefits' (一計三利) became proverbial for offers that sound too good to be true.

張儀詐稱六里

Zhang Yi's 'Six Li' Swindle and the Outbreak of War

張儀至秦,詳醉墜車,稱病不出三月,地不可得。楚王曰:「儀以吾絕齊為尚薄邪?」乃使勇士宋遺北辱齊王。齊王大怒,折楚符而合於秦。秦齊交合,張儀乃起朝,謂楚將軍曰:「子何不受地?從某至某,廣袤六里。」楚將軍曰:「臣之所以見命者六百里,不聞六里。」即以歸報懷王。懷王大怒,興師將伐秦。陳軫又曰:「伐秦非計也。不如因賂之一名都,與之伐齊,是我亡於秦,取償於齊也,吾國尚可全。今王已絕於齊而責欺於秦,是吾合秦齊之交而來天下之兵也,國必大傷矣。」楚王不聽,遂絕和於秦,發兵西攻秦。秦亦發兵擊之。

When Zhang Yi reached Qin, he feigned a drunken fall from his carriage and claimed illness, refusing to appear at court for three months. The land could not be obtained. King Huai said: "Perhaps Zhang Yi thinks my break with Qi was not thorough enough?" So he sent a warrior named Song Yi north to publicly insult the King of Qi. The King of Qi was enraged, snapped the Chu tally in two, and allied with Qin.

Once Qin and Qi had joined together, Zhang Yi at last appeared at court. He told the Chu general: "Why have you not come to receive the land? From such-and-such a point to such-and-such a point — six li in extent."

The Chu general said: "My orders specified six hundred li. I have heard nothing about six li."

He returned to report to King Huai. The king was furious and raised an army to attack Qin.

Chen Zhen again advised: "Attacking Qin is not the right strategy. Better to bribe Qin with one of your major cities and then join Qin in attacking Qi. What was lost to Qin can be recovered from Qi, and our state can still be preserved. Now Your Majesty has broken with Qi and is quarreling with Qin over its deception — you have united Qin and Qi against you and drawn the armies of all under heaven upon yourself. The state will suffer greatly."

King Huai would not listen. He severed all relations with Qin and launched his forces westward against it. Qin likewise sent its armies to strike back.

Notes

1context

Zhang Yi's three-month delay was calculated. He needed time for Chu to irrevocably burn its bridge with Qi. Only once Qi had formally allied with Qin — making any Chu-Qi reconciliation impossible — did Zhang Yi reveal the swindle. The difference between 六百里 (six hundred li) and 六里 (six li) is the crux of the deception: Zhang Yi claimed he had only ever offered his personal fief of six li, not six hundred li of Qin territory.

2context

Chen Zhen's second piece of advice was equally prescient. Rather than attacking Qin in anger, he proposed a damage-limitation strategy: concede to Qin and recover losses at Qi's expense. King Huai's refusal to listen on both occasions sealed Chu's decline.

丹陽、藍田之敗

The Defeats at Danyang and Lantian

十七年春,與秦戰丹陽,秦大敗我軍,斬甲士八萬,虜我大將軍屈匄、裨將軍逢侯醜等七十餘人,遂取漢中之郡。楚懷王大怒,乃悉國兵復襲秦,戰於藍田,大敗楚軍。韓、魏聞楚之困,乃南襲楚,至於鄧。楚聞,乃引兵歸。

In the spring of the seventeenth year, Chu fought Qin at Danyang. Qin inflicted a devastating defeat on the Chu army, beheading eighty thousand armored soldiers, capturing the supreme commander Qu Gai, the deputy general Fenghou Chou, and over seventy other officers, and then seizing the entire commandery of Hanzhong.

King Huai was enraged and mobilized the full national army to strike back at Qin. They fought at Lantian, where the Chu army was again crushingly defeated. Han and Wei, learning of Chu's predicament, launched a surprise attack from the south, advancing as far as Deng. When Chu received word, it was forced to withdraw its army and return home.

Notes

1place

Danyang (丹陽) was in the Hanzhong region (modern southern Shaanxi), not the more famous Danyang in Jiangsu. The loss of Hanzhong was catastrophic for Chu, as it severed Chu's direct access to the upper Han River corridor and its connections to Ba and Shu.

2place

Lantian (藍田) was deep inside Qin territory, southeast of the Qin capital Xianyang (modern Lantian County, Shaanxi). That Chu penetrated this far shows the desperation of King Huai's all-or-nothing counterattack.

3context

The loss of eighty thousand troops at Danyang was one of the worst military disasters in Chu's history. The subsequent defeat at Lantian, combined with Han and Wei's opportunistic attack on the undefended south, meant Chu suffered blows on three fronts simultaneously. This twin catastrophe marked the beginning of Chu's irreversible decline.

張儀至楚、屈原諫王

Zhang Yi Visits Chu and Qu Yuan Remonstrates Too Late

十八年,秦使使約復與楚親,分漢中之半以和楚。楚王曰:「原得張儀,不原得地。」張儀聞之,請之楚。秦王曰:「楚且甘心於子,柰何?」張儀曰:「臣善其左右靳尚,靳尚又能得事於楚王幸姬鄭袖,袖所言無不從者。且儀以前使負楚以商於之約,今秦楚大戰,有惡,臣非面自謝楚不解。且大王在,楚不宜敢取儀。誠殺儀以便國,臣之原也。」儀遂使楚。

至,懷王不見,因而囚張儀,欲殺之。儀私於靳尚,靳尚為請懷王曰:「拘張儀,秦王必怒。天下見楚無秦,必輕王矣。」又謂夫人鄭袖曰:「秦王甚愛張儀,而王欲殺之,今將以上庸之地六縣賂楚,以美人聘楚王,以宮中善歌者為之媵。楚王重地,秦女必貴,而夫人必斥矣。夫人不若言而出之。」鄭袖卒言張儀於王而出之。儀出,懷王因善遇儀,儀因說楚王以叛從約而與秦合親,約婚姻。張儀已去,屈原使從齊來,諫王曰:「何不誅張儀?」懷王悔,使人追儀,弗及。是歲,秦惠王卒。

In the eighteenth year, Qin sent an envoy offering to restore friendly relations with Chu and to cede half of Hanzhong as a peace settlement. King Huai said: "I would rather have Zhang Yi than the land." When Zhang Yi heard this, he requested permission to go to Chu. The King of Qin said: "Chu is determined to have your head. What will you do?" Zhang Yi replied: "I am on good terms with the king's attendant Jin Shang, and Jin Shang has influence over Lady Zheng Xiu, the king's favorite consort — whatever she says, the king obeys. Moreover, having cheated Chu with the Shangyu promise and provoked a great war, I cannot resolve the enmity without going in person to apologize. Besides, as long as Your Majesty is alive, Chu would not dare to harm me. And if killing me truly benefits our state, that is my wish."

Zhang Yi went to Chu. Upon arrival, King Huai refused to see him, had him thrown into prison, and intended to execute him. Zhang Yi secretly contacted Jin Shang. Jin Shang petitioned King Huai: "If you imprison Zhang Yi, the King of Qin will be furious. When all under heaven see that Chu has lost Qin, they will hold Your Majesty in contempt." He also told Lady Zheng Xiu: "The King of Qin dearly loves Zhang Yi. Since your king means to kill him, Qin will offer the six counties of Shangyong as a bribe, send a beauty to be the king's consort, and provide a skilled palace singer as her attendant. The king prizes territory, so the Qin woman will become his new favorite, and my lady will be cast aside. It would be better for you to speak up and have Zhang Yi released."

Zheng Xiu went to the king and secured Zhang Yi's release. Once free, King Huai treated Zhang Yi generously. Zhang Yi persuaded the king to abandon the Vertical Alliance and ally with Qin through a marriage pact.

After Zhang Yi had departed, Qu Yuan returned from his embassy to Qi and remonstrated: "Why did you not execute Zhang Yi?" King Huai regretted his decision and sent men to pursue Zhang Yi, but they could not catch him. That year, King Hui of Qin died.

Notes

1person靳尚Jìn Shàng

Jin Shang (靳尚) was a courtier close to King Huai, notorious in later tradition as the corrupt sycophant whose intrigues led to Qu Yuan's exile. He served as Zhang Yi's inside agent at the Chu court.

2person鄭袖Zhèng Xiù

Zheng Xiu (鄭袖) was King Huai's favorite consort. Her name literally means 'Zheng Sleeves,' possibly a reference to her origins in the state of Zheng. She is depicted as easily manipulated by Jin Shang's appeal to her jealousy.

3person屈原Qū Yuán

Qu Yuan (屈原, c. 340–278 BC) was Chu's greatest poet and a loyal minister. This is one of only a few mentions of Qu Yuan in the Shiji's 'Hereditary House of Chu' chapter; Sima Qian gave him a full biography in Chapter 84. His arrival too late to prevent Zhang Yi's escape is presented as emblematic of King Huai's tragic pattern of ignoring good counsel.

齊王遺楚王書

The King of Qi's Letter to the King of Chu

二十年,齊湣王欲為從長,惡楚之與秦合,乃使使遺楚王書曰:「寡人患楚之不察於尊名也。今秦惠王死,武王立,張儀走魏,樗里疾、公孫衍用,而楚事秦。夫樗里疾善乎韓,而公孫衍善乎魏;楚必事秦,韓、魏恐,必因二人求合於秦,則燕、趙亦宜事秦。四國爭事秦,則楚為郡縣矣。王何不與寡人併力收韓、魏、燕、趙,與為從而尊周室,以案兵息民,令於天下?莫敢不樂聽,則王名成矣。王率諸侯並伐,破秦必矣。王取武關、蜀、漢之地,私吳、越之富而擅江海之利,韓、魏割上黨,西薄函谷,則楚之彊百萬也。且王欺於張儀,亡地漢中,兵銼藍田,天下莫不代王懷怒。今乃欲先事秦!原大王孰計之。」

In the twentieth year, King Min of Qi wished to become leader of the Vertical Alliance and was displeased that Chu had allied with Qin. He therefore sent an envoy bearing a letter to the King of Chu:

"I am concerned that Your Majesty has not considered what is truly honorable. Now that King Hui of Qin is dead, King Wu has succeeded him, Zhang Yi has fled to Wei, and Qin employs Chuli Ji and Gongsun Yan — yet Chu still serves Qin. Chuli Ji is close to Han, and Gongsun Yan is close to Wei. If Chu insists on serving Qin, Han and Wei will grow alarmed and use these two men to seek accommodation with Qin. Then Yan and Zhao will also submit to Qin. Once four states compete to serve Qin, Chu will be reduced to a Qin commandery.

"Why does Your Majesty not join forces with me to rally Han, Wei, Yan, and Zhao into a Vertical Alliance, honor the house of Zhou, halt military operations, give the people rest, and issue commands to all under heaven? No one would dare refuse to comply, and Your Majesty's reputation would be made. If Your Majesty then leads the allied lords in a combined assault, Qin will certainly be destroyed. Your Majesty would take Wuguan and the lands of Shu and Han, command the wealth of Wu and Yue and monopolize the profits of the rivers and seas, while Han and Wei would cede Shangdang and press westward to Hangu Pass. Chu's strength would then match a million. Moreover, Your Majesty was deceived by Zhang Yi, lost Hanzhong, and suffered defeat at Lantian — all under heaven feels indignation on your behalf. Yet you would rush to serve Qin first! I beg Your Majesty to consider this carefully."

Notes

1person齊湣王Qí Mǐn Wáng

King Min of Qi (齊湣王, r. 301–284 BC) was an ambitious ruler who sought hegemony. His interference in Chu's foreign policy reflected Qi's own desire to lead the anti-Qin coalition and prevent Chu from defecting to Qin's side.

2person樗里疾Chūlí Jí

Chuli Ji (樗里疾), also called Lord Yan (嚴君), was a Qin prince and strategist. Gongsun Yan (公孫衍), also known as Marquis Xi (犀首), was a Wei native who served Qin and was a proponent of the Vertical Alliance against Qin at different points in his career.

昭雎議善齊韓

Zhao Ju Advises Allying with Qi and Han

楚王業已欲和於秦,見齊王書,猶豫不決,下其議群臣。群臣或言和秦,或曰聽齊。昭雎曰:「王雖東取地於越,不足以刷恥;必且取地於秦,而後足以刷恥於諸侯。王不如深善齊、韓以重樗里疾,如是則王得韓、齊之重以求地矣。秦破韓宜陽,而韓猶復事秦者,以先王墓在平陽,而秦之武遂去之七十里,以故尤畏秦。不然,秦攻三川,趙攻上黨,楚攻河外,韓必亡。楚之救韓,不能使韓不亡,然存韓者楚也。韓已得武遂於秦,以河山為塞,所報德莫如楚厚,臣以為其事王必疾。齊之所信於韓者,以韓公子眛為齊相也。韓已得武遂於秦,王甚善之,使之以齊、韓重樗里疾,疾得齊、韓之重,其主弗敢棄疾也。今又益之以楚之重,樗里子必言秦,復與楚之侵地矣。」於是懷王許之,竟不合秦,而合齊以善韓。

King Huai had already been inclined to make peace with Qin, but upon reading the King of Qi's letter, he wavered and could not decide. He submitted the matter for debate among his ministers. Some argued for making peace with Qin; others urged following Qi's proposal.

Zhao Ju said: "Even if Your Majesty conquers territory from Yue in the east, that will not be enough to wipe away your shame. Only by recovering land from Qin can your honor be restored before the lords. Your Majesty should cultivate deep friendships with Qi and Han so as to increase the influence of Chuli Ji. In this way, you gain the combined weight of Han and Qi to press for the return of your lands.

"After Qin broke Han at Yiyang, Han still served Qin because the ancestral tombs of its former kings are at Pingyang, and Qin's garrison at Wusui is only seventy li away — Han fears Qin above all. Otherwise, if Qin attacks Sanchuan, Zhao attacks Shangdang, and Chu attacks Hewai, Han would surely perish. Chu's rescue of Han may not be able to prevent Han's destruction, yet the state that preserves Han is Chu. Once Han recovers Wusui from Qin and uses the Yellow River and mountains as its barrier, no state will have earned more of Han's gratitude than Chu — Han will serve Your Majesty with urgency.

"Qi trusts Han because the Han prince Mei serves as Qi's chancellor. Once Han has recovered Wusui and Your Majesty is on excellent terms with both states, have Qi and Han lend their weight to Chuli Ji. With Qi and Han backing him, his ruler will not dare discard him. Add Chu's weight as well, and Chuli Ji will certainly persuade the King of Qin to return the territories taken from Chu."

King Huai approved this plan. In the end, he did not ally with Qin but instead joined with Qi and cultivated good relations with Han.

Notes

1person昭雎Zhāo Jū

Zhao Ju (昭雎) was a Chu minister who appears in both the Shiji and the Zhanguoce as a capable strategist. He correctly identified that Chu's leverage lay in the Qi-Han axis rather than in direct confrontation with Qin.

2context

Zhao Ju's strategy was sophisticated: rather than directly challenging Qin, he proposed using multilateral diplomacy to make Chuli Ji — Qin's own minister — an advocate for returning Chu's territories. The plan depended on making Chuli Ji's domestic standing in Qin contingent on maintaining good relations with the Chu-Qi-Han bloc.

楚背齊合秦、太子質於秦

Chu Betrays Qi for Qin and Sends the Crown Prince as Hostage

二十四年,倍齊而合秦。秦昭王初立,乃厚賂於楚。楚往迎婦。二十五年,懷王入與秦昭王盟,約於黃棘。秦復與楚上庸。二十六年,齊、韓、魏為楚負其從親而合於秦,三國共伐楚。楚使太子入質於秦而請救。秦乃遣客卿通將兵救楚,三國引兵去。

In the twenty-fourth year, Chu betrayed Qi and allied with Qin. King Zhao of Qin had just come to the throne and lavished gifts on Chu. Chu sent to receive a Qin bride. In the twenty-fifth year, King Huai went in person to meet King Zhao of Qin, and they swore a covenant at Huangji. Qin returned Shangyong to Chu.

In the twenty-sixth year, Qi, Han, and Wei — angered that Chu had abandoned the Vertical Alliance to side with Qin — jointly attacked Chu. Chu sent its crown prince to Qin as a hostage and requested military aid. Qin dispatched the guest minister Tong with troops to relieve Chu, and the three states withdrew.

Notes

1context

King Huai's vacillation between the Vertical and Horizontal alliances was ruinous. Having just adopted Zhao Ju's pro-Qi strategy, he reversed course within a few years. Each betrayal left Chu with fewer allies and less credibility, while the dispatch of the crown prince as hostage to Qin gave Qin direct leverage over the Chu succession.

2place

Huangji (黃棘) was a location on the Qin-Chu border, probably in modern western Henan. The covenant there was meant to cement the Qin-Chu rapprochement, but it proved short-lived.

太子殺秦大夫、楚屢敗

The Crown Prince Kills a Qin Official and Chu Suffers Repeated Defeats

二十七年,秦大夫有私與楚太子斗,楚太子殺之而亡歸。二十八年,秦乃與齊、韓、魏共攻楚,殺楚將唐眛,取我重丘而去。二十九年,秦復攻楚,大破楚,楚軍死者二萬,殺我將軍景缺。懷王恐,乃使太子為質於齊以求平。三十年,秦復伐楚,取八城。

In the twenty-seventh year, a Qin official had a private altercation with the Chu crown prince. The crown prince killed him and fled back to Chu. In the twenty-eighth year, Qin joined with Qi, Han, and Wei to attack Chu. They killed the Chu general Tang Mo, seized Chongqiu, and withdrew. In the twenty-ninth year, Qin attacked Chu again and inflicted a crushing defeat. Twenty thousand Chu soldiers died, and Chu's general Jing Que was killed. King Huai was alarmed and sent his crown prince as a hostage to Qi to sue for peace. In the thirtieth year, Qin attacked Chu once more and took eight cities.

Notes

1context

The crown prince's killing of a Qin official destroyed the Qin-Chu rapprochement and gave Qin a pretext for renewed aggression. The prince was later sent to Qi as a hostage — meaning Chu now had its heir pledged to a different power, having lost whatever goodwill Qin once extended.

2context

The cascade of defeats in the 28th through 30th years reflects Chu's strategic bankruptcy: attacked from all sides with no reliable allies, losing generals and territory in rapid succession.

懷王入秦不返

King Huai Goes to Qin and Never Returns

秦昭王遺楚王書曰:「始寡人與王約為弟兄,盟於黃棘,太子為質,至驩也。太子陵殺寡人之重臣,不謝而亡去,寡人誠不勝怒,使兵侵君王之邊。今聞君王乃令太子質於齊以求平。寡人與楚接境壤界,故為婚姻,所從相親久矣。而今秦楚不驩,則無以令諸侯。寡人原與君王會武關,面相約,結盟而去,寡人之原也。敢以聞下執事。」楚懷王見秦王書,患之。欲往,恐見欺;無往,恐秦怒。昭雎曰:「王毋行,而發兵自守耳。秦虎狼,不可信,有並諸侯之心。」懷王子子蘭勸王行,曰:「柰何絕秦之驩心!」於是往會秦昭王。昭王詐令一將軍伏兵武關,號為秦王。楚王至,則閉武關,遂與西至鹹陽,朝章台,如蕃臣,不與亢禮。楚懷王大怒,悔不用昭子言。秦因留楚王,要以割巫、黔中之郡。楚王欲盟,秦欲先得地。楚王怒曰:「秦詐我而又彊要我以地!」不復許秦。秦因留之。

King Zhao of Qin sent a letter to the King of Chu: "When we first pledged brotherhood and swore the covenant at Huangji, with your crown prince as hostage, our joy was complete. But the crown prince arrogantly killed one of my senior officials and fled without apology. I could not contain my anger and sent troops against your borders. Now I hear that Your Majesty has sent the crown prince as a hostage to Qi to sue for peace. Our two states share a common border and have long been joined by marriage — our closeness goes back many years. If Qin and Chu are not on good terms, we cannot command the other lords. I wish to meet Your Majesty at Wuguan, where we may confer face to face, swear a new covenant, and depart. This is my sincere desire. I venture to bring this to Your Majesty's attention."

King Huai read the letter and was troubled. He wanted to go but feared being deceived; he did not want to go but feared provoking Qin's anger. Zhao Ju said: "Your Majesty must not go. Mobilize your troops and defend your borders. Qin is a tiger and a wolf — it cannot be trusted and harbors ambitions to swallow the lords."

But the king's son Zilan urged him to go, saying: "How can we reject Qin's gesture of friendship?"

So King Huai went to meet King Zhao of Qin. King Zhao had secretly posted a general with concealed troops at Wuguan, with orders to impersonate the King of Qin. When the King of Chu arrived, Wuguan was sealed behind him. He was escorted west to Xianyang, presented at the Zhang Terrace as though he were a vassal tributary, and not accorded the courtesies due an equal sovereign.

King Huai was furious and bitterly regretted not heeding Zhao Ju's words. Qin detained the King of Chu and demanded the cession of the commanderies of Wu and Qianzhong. The King of Chu wished to negotiate a covenant, but Qin insisted on receiving the territory first. King Huai said in rage: "Qin deceived me and now extorts territory by force!" He refused to grant Qin's demands. Qin kept him in detention.

Notes

1person子蘭Zǐ Lán

Zilan (子蘭) was King Huai's son who urged the fatal journey to Qin. He is reviled in the Chu ci (Songs of Chu) tradition as one of the slanderers who caused Qu Yuan's exile. His bad advice here directly led to his father's captivity and death.

2context

King Huai's detention at Xianyang was unprecedented in the Warring States period — a reigning king held captive by another state. The phrase 'tiger and wolf' (虎狼) to describe Qin became standard in anti-Qin rhetoric and is echoed throughout Warring States literature. Despite his many failures, King Huai's refusal to cede territory even under duress is presented by Sima Qian as a redemptive act of dignity.

3place

Wuguan (武關) was one of the four major passes defending the Qin heartland, located in modern Danfeng County, Shaanxi. The Zhang Terrace (章台) was a ceremonial palace in Xianyang used for receiving foreign envoys and vassals.

楚立頃襄王

Chu Installs King Qingxiang

楚大臣患之,乃相與謀曰:「吾王在秦不得還,要以割地,而太子為質於齊,齊、秦合謀,則楚無國矣。」乃欲立懷王子在國者。昭雎曰:「王與太子俱困於諸侯,而今又倍王命而立其庶子,不宜。」乃詐赴於齊,齊湣王謂其相曰:「不若留太子以求楚之淮北。」相曰:「不可,郢中立王,是吾抱空質而行不義於天下也。」或曰:「不然。郢中立王,因與其新王市曰『予我下東國,吾為王殺太子,不然,將與三國共立之』,然則東國必可得矣。」齊王卒用其相計而歸楚太子。太子橫至,立為王,是為頃襄王。乃告於秦曰:「賴社稷神靈,國有王矣。」

Chu's senior ministers were alarmed. They deliberated together: "Our king is in Qin and cannot return — they are extorting territory from him. Meanwhile, the crown prince is a hostage in Qi. If Qi and Qin conspire together, Chu will cease to exist as a state." They resolved to install one of King Huai's sons who was still in Chu.

Zhao Ju objected: "The king and the crown prince are both held by foreign states. To defy the king's authority by installing a secondary son would be improper." So they sent a false report of King Huai's death to Qi.

King Min of Qi said to his chancellor: "We should keep the crown prince and demand Chu's territory north of the Huai River." The chancellor replied: "That will not do. If Ying installs a new king, we will be holding a worthless hostage while appearing unjust to all under heaven."

Another adviser said: "On the contrary — if Ying installs a new king, we can bargain with the new king: 'Give us the Lower Eastern Territory, and we will kill the crown prince for you. Otherwise, we will join with three other states to install him.' Then the Eastern Territory can certainly be obtained."

The King of Qi ultimately followed his chancellor's advice and returned the Chu crown prince. Crown Prince Heng arrived in Chu and was installed as king — he was King Qingxiang. He sent word to Qin: "By the grace of our ancestral spirits, the state has a king."

Notes

1context

The debate at the Qi court reveals the cynical calculus of Warring States diplomacy. The anonymous adviser's proposal — to sell the crown prince's life or use him as a puppet — was rejected not on moral grounds but because it was less practical than the chancellor's approach. Qi's decision to return the prince unprofitably is presented as the wiser strategic choice.

2person頃襄王Qǐng Xiāng Wáng

King Qingxiang (頃襄王, r. 298–263 BC, personal name Heng 橫) inherited a Chu in steep decline. His reign saw the loss of the capital Ying and further territorial contraction.

懷王客死於秦

King Huai Dies in Captivity in Qin

頃襄王橫元年,秦要懷王不可得地,楚立王以應秦,秦昭王怒,發兵出武關攻楚,大敗楚軍,斬首五萬,取析十五城而去。二年,楚懷王亡逃歸,秦覺之,遮楚道,懷王恐,乃從間道走趙以求歸。趙主父在代,其子惠王初立,行王事,恐,不敢入楚王。楚王欲走魏,秦追至,遂與秦使復之秦。懷王遂發病。頃襄王三年,懷王卒於秦,秦歸其喪於楚。楚人皆憐之,如悲親戚。諸侯由是不直秦。秦楚絕。

In the first year of King Qingxiang, Qin had been unable to extract territorial concessions from King Huai, and now Chu had installed a new king in defiance. King Zhao of Qin was enraged and sent troops out through Wuguan to attack Chu. They inflicted a severe defeat, beheading fifty thousand soldiers, and seized the city of Xi along with fifteen other cities before withdrawing.

In the second year, King Huai escaped from captivity and tried to flee home. Qin discovered his flight and blocked the roads to Chu. The king, in desperation, took a back route and fled to Zhao, hoping to reach Chu through their territory. But Lord Wuling of Zhao was away at Dai, and his son King Hui, who had just assumed power, was afraid and did not dare admit the King of Chu. King Huai tried to make for Wei, but Qin's pursuers caught up. He was handed back to Qin envoys and returned to captivity. King Huai then fell gravely ill.

In the third year of King Qingxiang, King Huai died in Qin. Qin returned his corpse to Chu. The people of Chu all pitied him and mourned as though for their own kin. The other lords condemned Qin as dishonorable. Qin and Chu severed all relations.

Notes

1context

King Huai's death in captivity became one of the most emotionally powerful episodes in Chinese historical memory. Qu Yuan's poem 'Ai Ying' (Lament for Ying) and much of the Chu ci tradition draws on the grief of this period. Sima Qian's note that 'the people of Chu all pitied him and mourned as for their own kin' suggests a deep popular attachment to the king despite his many political failures.

2person趙武靈王Zhào Wǔlíng Wáng

Lord Wuling of Zhao (趙主父, i.e. King Wuling 趙武靈王) had abdicated in favor of his son King Hui but retained real power. His absence at Dai and King Hui's timidity meant Zhao missed an opportunity to shelter King Huai and earn Chu's lasting gratitude — or to provoke Qin.

3context

The phrase 'the lords condemned Qin as dishonorable' (諸侯由是不直秦) is significant: detaining and effectively killing a fellow sovereign violated the norms of inter-state conduct, and Qin's reputation suffered lasting damage that the other states would invoke for decades.

白起伐楚、楚復和秦

Bai Qi Attacks Chu, and Chu Sues for Peace Again

六年,秦使白起伐韓於伊闕,大勝,斬首二十四萬。秦乃遺楚王書曰:「楚倍秦,秦且率諸侯伐楚,爭一旦之命。原王之飭士卒,得一樂戰。」楚頃襄王患之,乃謀復與秦平。七年,楚迎婦於秦,秦楚復平。

十一年,齊秦各自稱為帝;月餘,復歸帝為王。

十四年,楚頃襄王與秦昭王好會於宛,結和親。十五年,楚王與秦、三晉、燕共伐齊,取淮北。十六年,與秦昭王好會於鄢。其秋,復與秦王會穰。

In the sixth year, Qin sent Bai Qi to attack Han at Yique, where he won a great victory and beheaded two hundred and forty thousand soldiers. Qin then sent a letter to the King of Chu: "Chu has betrayed Qin. Qin will now lead the lords to attack Chu and settle matters in a single day. We hope Your Majesty will ready his troops — we look forward to a good fight."

King Qingxiang was alarmed and planned to restore peace with Qin. In the seventh year, Chu received a bride from Qin, and the two states were reconciled.

In the eleventh year, Qi and Qin each proclaimed themselves Emperor. After a little more than a month, they abandoned the title and reverted to being kings.

In the fourteenth year, King Qingxiang met amicably with King Zhao of Qin at Wan and cemented their alliance through marriage ties. In the fifteenth year, Chu joined Qin, the three Jin successor states, and Yan in a combined assault on Qi, taking the territory north of the Huai. In the sixteenth year, King Qingxiang met again with King Zhao of Qin at Yan. That autumn, they met once more at Rang.

Notes

1person白起Bái Qǐ

Bai Qi (白起, d. 257 BC) was Qin's most feared general, responsible for some of the largest-scale slaughter in the Warring States period. His victory at Yique (伊闕), in which 240,000 soldiers were reportedly killed, shattered Han and Wei's military power and established Qin's dominance over the central plain.

2context

Qin's threatening letter is remarkable for its blunt menace — essentially a demand that Chu either submit or prepare to be annihilated. King Qingxiang's capitulation and acceptance of a Qin bride shows how thoroughly Chu had been cowed. The joint attack on Qi in the fifteenth year, in which Chu participated alongside its former tormentor Qin, illustrates the complete collapse of the Vertical Alliance strategy.

射者之說

The Archer's Discourse on Chu's Grand Strategy

十八年,楚人有好以弱弓微繳加歸雁之上者,頃襄王聞,召而問之。對曰:「小臣之好射鶀雁、羅鸗,小矢之發也,何足為大王道也。且稱楚之大,因大王之賢,所弋非直此也。昔者三王以弋道德,五霸以弋戰國。故秦、魏、燕、趙者,鶀雁也;齊、魯、韓、衛者,青首也;騶、費、郯、邳者,羅鸗也。外其餘則不足射者。見鳥六雙,以王何取?王何不以聖人為弓,以勇士為繳,時張而射之?此六雙者,可得而囊載也。其樂非特朝昔之樂也,其獲非特鳧雁之實也。王朝張弓而射魏之大梁之南,加其右臂而徑屬之於韓,則中國之路絕而上蔡之郡壞矣。還射圉之東,解魏左肘而外擊定陶,則魏之東外棄而大宋、方與二郡者舉矣。且魏斷二臂,顛越矣;膺擊郯國,大梁可得而有也。王綪繳蘭台,飲馬西河,定魏大梁,此一發之樂也。若王之於弋誠好而不厭,則出寶弓,碆新繳,射噣鳥於東海,還蓋長城以為防,朝射東莒,夕發浿丘,夜加即墨,顧據午道,則長城之東收而太山之北舉矣。西結境於趙而北達於燕,三國布嬛,則從不待約而可成也。北游目於燕之遼東而南登望於越之會稽,此再發之樂也。若夫泗上十二諸侯,左縈而右拂之,可一旦而盡也。今秦破韓以為長憂,得列城而不敢守也;伐魏而無功,擊趙而顧病,則秦魏之勇力屈矣,楚之故地漢中、析、酈可得而復有也。王出寶弓,碆新繳,涉鄳塞,而待秦之倦也,山東、河內可得而一也。勞民休眾,南面稱王矣。故曰秦為大鳥,負海內而處,東面而立,左臂據趙之西南,右臂傅楚鄢郢,膺擊韓魏,垂頭中國,處既形便,勢有地利,奮翼鼓嬛,方三千里,則秦未可得獨招而夜射也。」欲以激怒襄王,故對以此言。襄王因召與語,遂言曰:「夫先王為秦所欺而客死於外,怨莫大焉。今以匹夫有怨,尚有報萬乘,白公、子胥是也。今楚之地方五千里,帶甲百萬,猶足以踴躍中野也,而坐受困,臣竊為大王弗取也。」於是頃襄王遣使於諸侯,復為從,欲以伐秦。秦聞之,發兵來伐楚。

In the eighteenth year, there was a man of Chu who enjoyed shooting returning geese with a light bow and fine cord. King Qingxiang heard of him and summoned him for an audience.

The man replied: "Your servant's hobby is shooting teal and snaring sparrows — trivial shots with small arrows, hardly worth reporting to a great king. But considering the greatness of Chu and Your Majesty's wisdom, the quarry you should be shooting at is something far grander.

"The ancient Three Kings hunted moral virtue; the Five Hegemons hunted rival states. So Qin, Wei, Yan, and Zhao are the wild geese; Qi, Lu, Han, and Wey are the mallards; Zou, Fei, Tan, and Pi are the sparrows. Beyond these there is nothing worth shooting. Twelve birds in six pairs — which would Your Majesty take?

"Why not use sages as your bow and warriors as your cord, draw at the right moment, and shoot? These six pairs can be bagged and carried home. The pleasure would be greater than a morning's amusement; the prize greater than ducks and geese.

"At dawn, draw your bow and shoot south of Wei's capital Daliang, then extend your right arm straight through to Han. The roads of the central states would be severed and the commandery of Shangcai destroyed. Turn and shoot east of Yu, sever Wei's left arm, and strike outward at Dingtao — then Wei's eastern territories are abandoned, and the two commanderies of Great Song and Fangyu are taken. With both arms cut off, Wei collapses. Strike at the heart — at Tan — and Daliang itself can be taken. Tie your cord at Lantai, water your horses at the Western River, and settle Wei's Daliang. That is the pleasure of the first shot.

"If Your Majesty truly loves this sport and never tires of it, bring out the precious bow, fit a new cord, and shoot the cormorant over the eastern sea. Sweep back with the Great Wall as your shield — shoot at East Ju in the morning, strike Peiqiu in the evening, hit Jimo by night, then turn and hold the Meridian Road. Everything east of the Great Wall is yours, and everything north of Mount Tai is taken. Link your borders with Zhao to the west and reach Yan to the north. With three states spread out before you, the Vertical Alliance forms without needing a pact. Gaze northward to Yan's Liaodong, look southward to Yue's Kuaiji — that is the pleasure of the second shot.

"As for the twelve minor lords along the Si River, sweep them left and brush them right — they can be finished in a single day.

"Now Qin, having broken Han, suffers prolonged anxiety — it takes walled cities but dares not hold them. Its attack on Wei produced no result, and its strike at Zhao left it wounded in turn. Qin and Wei's fighting strength is exhausted, and Chu's former territories of Hanzhong, Xi, and Li can be recovered. Your Majesty should bring out the precious bow, fit a new cord, cross the Meng barrier, and wait for Qin to tire. Then everything east of the mountains and within the Yellow River can be unified. Give the people rest, and face south as king.

"That said, Qin is a great raptor. It sits with its back to the sea, faces east, its left talon gripping Zhao's southwest, its right talon clutching Chu's Yan and Ying, its breast striking Han and Wei, its head hanging over the central states. Its position is naturally advantageous, its terrain gives it strength. With wings spread and feathers ruffling over three thousand li, Qin cannot simply be beckoned and shot in the dark."

The man had spoken this way to provoke King Qingxiang's anger. The king summoned him for further conversation. The man then said: "Your former king was deceived by Qin and died as a stranger in a foreign land — there is no greater grievance. Even a common man with a grudge can take revenge on a great state: Bai Gong and Wu Zixu proved that. Now Chu has five thousand li of territory and a million armored soldiers — still enough to leap into battle across the central plain. Yet you sit idle and accept humiliation. Your servant privately considers this beneath a great king."

King Qingxiang thereupon sent envoys to the other lords, revived the Vertical Alliance, and planned to attack Qin. When Qin heard of this, it launched an attack on Chu.

Notes

1context

This extended metaphor of archery as geopolitical strategy is one of the Shiji's most elaborate rhetorical set-pieces. The anonymous archer systematically maps every state onto a type of bird and lays out a two-phase conquest plan using the language of hunting. The grandeur of the vision stands in stark contrast to Chu's actual weakness, which the speaker himself acknowledges in his warning about Qin as the 'great raptor.'

2person白公、伍子胥Bái Gōng, Wǔ Zǐxū

Bai Gong (白公) was Bai Gong Sheng (白公勝), a Chu prince who staged a coup in 479 BC to avenge his father's murder. Wu Zixu (伍子胥, d. 484 BC) was a Chu exile who helped Wu defeat Chu and famously whipped the corpse of King Ping of Chu to avenge his father and brother. Both are cited as examples of individuals who avenged personal grievances against great powers.

楚欲圖周

Chu's Scheme Against Zhou and Its Abandonment

楚欲與齊韓連和伐秦,因欲圖周。周王赧使武公謂楚相昭子曰:「三國以兵割周郊地以便輸,而南器以尊楚,臣以為不然。夫弒共主,臣世君,大國不親;以眾脅寡,小國不附。大國不親,小國不附,不可以致名實。名實不得,不足以傷民。夫有圖周之聲,非所以為號也。」昭子曰:「乃圖周則無之。雖然,周何故不可圖也?」對曰:「軍不五不攻,城不十不圍。夫一周為二十晉,公之所知也。韓嘗以二十萬之眾辱於晉之城下,銳士死,中士傷,而晉不拔。公之無百韓以圖周,此天下之所知也。夫怨結兩周以塞騶魯之心,交絕於齊,聲失天下,其為事危矣。夫危兩周以厚三川,方城之外必為韓弱矣。何以知其然也?西周之地,絕長補短,不過百里。名為天下共主,裂其地不足以肥國,得其眾不足以勁兵。雖無攻之,名為弒君。然而好事之君,喜攻之臣,發號用兵,未嘗不以周為終始。是何也?見祭器在焉,欲器之至而忘弒君之亂。今韓以器之在楚,臣恐天下以器讎楚也。臣請譬之。夫虎肉臊,其兵利身,人猶攻之也。若使澤中之麋蒙虎之皮,人之攻之必萬於虎矣。裂楚之地,足以肥國;詘楚之名,足以尊主。今子將以欲誅殘天下之共主,居三代之傳器,吞三翮六翼,以高世主,非貪而何?周書曰『欲起無先』,故器南則兵至矣。」於是楚計輟不行。

Chu wished to ally with Qi and Han to attack Qin, and in the process planned to seize Zhou's territory. King Nan of Zhou sent Lord Wu to tell Chu's chancellor Zhao Zi:

"Your three states propose to carve up Zhou's suburban lands for supply routes and move the ritual vessels south to honor Chu. I believe this is mistaken. To kill the common sovereign and subordinate the lord whom all serve as subjects — the great states will refuse their friendship. To bully the weak with numbers — the small states will not rally to you. Without the friendship of the great or the adherence of the small, you cannot achieve either reputation or substance. Without either, it is not worth troubling the people. The mere rumor of a plot against Zhou does not serve as a worthy banner."

Zhao Zi said: "We do not actually intend to seize Zhou. But why should Zhou be immune?"

Lord Wu replied: "An army less than five times the defenders' strength should not attack; a besieging force less than ten times should not encircle. One Zhou equals twenty Jin cities in difficulty — Your Lordship knows this. Han once brought two hundred thousand troops and was humiliated beneath the walls of Jin. Its best soldiers died and its middle ranks were wounded, yet Jin did not fall. That Your Lordship lacks even the strength of a hundred Hans to attack Zhou is known to all.

"To earn the enmity of both Zhous, alienate Zou and Lu, sever ties with Qi, and lose your reputation throughout all under heaven — that is a dangerous course. Moreover, threatening the two Zhous only enriches the Sanchuan region and necessarily weakens Han beyond Fangcheng.

"Consider: West Zhou's territory, trimmed and rounded, is no more than a hundred li. It bears the name of common sovereign of all under heaven, yet partitioning its land is not enough to enrich a state, and seizing its people is not enough to strengthen an army. Even without attacking it, you bear the name of regicide.

"Yet ambitious rulers and aggressive ministers, whenever they mobilize, always make Zhou their ultimate target. Why? Because they see the ritual vessels there. They covet the vessels and forget the chaos of regicide. If Han sees the vessels in Chu, I fear all under heaven will make war on Chu to recover them.

"Let me offer an analogy. A tiger's flesh is rank and its claws are sharp, yet people still hunt it. But if a marsh deer were to wear a tiger's skin, people would attack it ten thousand times more readily. Carving up Chu's land would sufficiently enrich a state; humbling Chu's name would sufficiently exalt a ruler. Now you propose to murder the common sovereign of all under heaven, possess the vessels handed down from the Three Dynasties, and swallow states in every direction to set yourself above all lords — if that is not greed, what is? The Book of Zhou says: 'Desires arise, and there is no going first.' Therefore, the moment the vessels go south, armies will come."

Chu thereupon abandoned the plan.

Notes

1person周赧王Zhōu Nǎn Wáng

King Nan of Zhou (周赧王, r. 315–256 BC) was the last king of the Zhou dynasty. By this period, Zhou controlled almost no territory but retained symbolic importance as the ritual center of the realm. Lord Wu (武公) was a Zhou diplomat.

2context

Lord Wu's argument is a masterpiece of persuasion through reframing. Rather than pleading Zhou's weakness, he argues that seizing the ritual vessels would paint a target on Chu: every state would claim the right to attack Chu to 'rescue' the vessels, just as hunters attack a deer wearing a tiger's skin. The argument worked because Chu was already vulnerable — acquiring the vessels would add no real strength while providing every rival a pretext for invasion.

白起拔郢

Bai Qi Sacks Ying and Chu Retreats to Chen

十九年,秦伐楚,楚軍敗,割上庸、漢北地予秦。二十一年,秦將白起遂拔我郢,燒先王墓夷陵。楚襄王兵散,遂不復戰,東北保於陳城。二十二年,秦復拔我巫、黔中郡。

In the nineteenth year, Qin attacked Chu. The Chu army was defeated, and Chu ceded Shangyong and the territory north of the Han River to Qin.

In the twenty-first year, the Qin general Bai Qi finally took Ying, the Chu capital, and burned the royal tombs at Yiling. King Qingxiang's forces disintegrated, and he could no longer mount a defense. He retreated northeast and took refuge at the city of Chen.

In the twenty-second year, Qin took Wu and the Qianzhong commandery from Chu as well.

Notes

1context

The fall of Ying (郢, near modern Jingzhou, Hubei) in 278 BC was the defining catastrophe of Chu's history. Ying had been Chu's capital for over four centuries. Bai Qi's deliberate burning of the royal tombs at Yiling was an act of calculated desecration meant to destroy Chu's ancestral legitimacy. Qu Yuan is traditionally said to have drowned himself in the Miluo River upon hearing the news. The Dragon Boat Festival (端午節) commemorates his death.

2place

Chen (陳, modern Huaiyang, Henan) became Chu's new base, representing a dramatic northeastward retreat from its Yangtze heartland. The loss of Wu (巫, in the Three Gorges region) and Qianzhong (黔中, modern western Hunan) meant Chu had been stripped of nearly its entire western territory.

楚收東地、頃襄王卒

Chu Recovers Eastern Territory and the End of King Qingxiang's Reign

二十三年,襄王乃收東地兵,得十餘萬,復西取秦所拔我江旁十五邑以為郡,距秦。二十七年,使三萬人助三晉伐燕。復與秦平,而入太子為質於秦。楚使左徒侍太子於秦。

三十六年,頃襄王病,太子亡歸。秋,頃襄王卒,太子熊元代立,是為考烈王。考烈王以左徒為令尹,封以吳,號春申君。

In the twenty-third year, King Qingxiang rallied the troops of his eastern territories, mustering over a hundred thousand, and recaptured fifteen riverside towns that Qin had taken, organizing them into a commandery and establishing a defense line against Qin.

In the twenty-seventh year, Chu sent thirty thousand troops to assist the three Jin successor states in attacking Yan. Chu then made peace with Qin again, sending its crown prince as a hostage to Qin. Chu assigned a Left Assistant to attend the crown prince in Qin.

In the thirty-sixth year, King Qingxiang fell ill. The crown prince escaped and returned home. In autumn, King Qingxiang died, and Crown Prince Xiong Yuan succeeded him as King Kaolie. King Kaolie appointed the Left Assistant as Chief Minister, enfeoffed him at Wu, and he became known as Lord Chunshen.

Notes

1person春申君Chūnshēn Jūn

Lord Chunshen (春申君, d. 238 BC), personal name Huang Xie (黃歇), was one of the Four Lords of the Warring States (戰國四公子). As Left Assistant (左徒), he had accompanied the crown prince to Qin and engineered his escape. He was rewarded with the positions of Chief Minister and lord of the Wu fief, wielding enormous power during King Kaolie's reign.

2context

The pattern of sending crown princes as hostages to Qin — and then having them escape to claim the throne — repeated itself across King Huai's and King Qingxiang's reigns. Each time, the escape poisoned relations with Qin and invited retaliation, yet Chu had no choice if it wished to maintain dynastic continuity.

考烈王與楚之衰微

King Kaolie and Chu's Continued Decline

考烈王元年,納州於秦以平。是時楚益弱。

六年,秦圍邯鄲,趙告急楚,楚遣將軍景陽救趙。七年,至新中。秦兵去。十二年,秦昭王卒,楚王使春申君吊祠於秦。十六年,秦莊襄王卒,秦王趙政立。二十二年,與諸侯共伐秦,不利而去。楚東徙都壽春,命曰郢。

In the first year of King Kaolie, Chu ceded the district of Zhou to Qin to secure peace. By this time Chu was growing ever weaker.

In the sixth year, Qin besieged Handan, and Zhao sent urgent appeals to Chu. Chu dispatched General Jing Yang to rescue Zhao. In the seventh year, the army reached Xinzhong, and Qin withdrew. In the twelfth year, King Zhao of Qin died, and the King of Chu sent Lord Chunshen to offer condolences and sacrifices in Qin. In the sixteenth year, King Zhuangxiang of Qin died, and Zhao Zheng became King of Qin.

In the twenty-second year, Chu joined the other lords in a combined attack on Qin, but the campaign failed and they withdrew. Chu relocated its capital eastward to Shouchun and renamed it Ying.

Notes

1person趙政Zhào Zhèng

Zhao Zheng (趙政) is the future Qin Shi Huang (秦始皇, r. 247–210 BC), the First Emperor who would unify China. Sima Qian uses his original surname Zhao rather than the Qin royal surname Ying, reflecting the tradition that he was born while his father was a hostage in Zhao.

2place

Shouchun (壽春, modern Shou County, Anhui) was Chu's last capital. Renaming it 'Ying' (郢) was an act of nostalgia and defiance — preserving the name of the ancestral capital that had been lost to Bai Qi decades earlier. Shouchun was far to the northeast of Chu's original Yangtze heartland, reflecting how drastically Chu's territory had contracted.

考烈王卒、春申君被殺

King Kaolie Dies and Lord Chunshen Is Assassinated

二十五年,考烈王卒,子幽王悍立。李園殺春申君。幽王三年,秦、魏伐楚。秦相呂不韋卒。九年,秦滅韓。十年,幽王卒,同母弟猶代立,是為哀王。哀王立二月餘,哀王庶兄負芻之徒襲殺哀王而立負芻為王。是歲,秦虜趙王遷。

In the twenty-fifth year, King Kaolie died, and his son King You, named Han, succeeded him. Li Yuan assassinated Lord Chunshen.

In the third year of King You, Qin and Wei attacked Chu. Qin's chancellor Lu Buwei died. In the ninth year, Qin destroyed Han. In the tenth year, King You died. His full brother You succeeded him as King Ai. King Ai had been on the throne barely two months when the followers of his half-brother Fuchu attacked and killed him, installing Fuchu as king. That same year, Qin captured King Qian of Zhao.

Notes

1person李園Lǐ Yuán

Li Yuan (李園) was a courtier who had placed his sister in Lord Chunshen's household and then into King Kaolie's harem through Lord Chunshen's arrangement. According to Sima Qian's biography of Lord Chunshen (Chapter 78), Li Yuan feared that Chunshen would reveal the secret of the royal heir's parentage, and struck preemptively.

2context

The rapid succession of King You, King Ai (who reigned only two months), and the usurper Fuchu illustrates Chu's terminal political collapse. While Chu's court descended into fratricide, Qin was systematically destroying the other states: Han fell in 230 BC, Zhao in 228 BC. Chu had perhaps five years left.

楚亡

The Destruction of Chu

王負芻元年,燕太子丹使荊軻刺秦王。二年,秦使將軍伐楚,大破楚軍,亡十餘城。三年,秦滅魏。四年,秦將王翦破我軍於蘄,而殺將軍項燕。

五年,秦將王翦、蒙武遂破楚國,虜楚王負芻,滅楚名為郡雲。

In the first year of King Fuchu, Crown Prince Dan of Yan sent Jing Ke to assassinate the King of Qin. In the second year, Qin sent a general to attack Chu, inflicting a devastating defeat and taking more than ten cities. In the third year, Qin destroyed Wei. In the fourth year, the Qin general Wang Jian defeated the Chu army at Qi and killed General Xiang Yan.

In the fifth year, the Qin generals Wang Jian and Meng Wu finally conquered the state of Chu, captured King Fuchu, and abolished Chu, converting its territory into commanderies.

Notes

1person荊軻Jīng Kē

Jing Ke (荊軻, d. 227 BC) was the most famous assassin in Chinese history. His failed attempt on the King of Qin's life is recorded in detail in Shiji Chapter 86. The mention here serves as a chronological marker: Chu's final years coincided with the last desperate resistance of all the eastern states.

2person王翦Wáng Jiǎn

Wang Jian (王翦) was Qin's supreme commander in the final wars of unification. He reportedly insisted on a force of 600,000 men to conquer Chu — the largest army Qin had ever fielded — correctly judging that Chu, despite its decline, remained the most formidable of the surviving states.

3person項燕Xiàng Yān

Xiang Yan (項燕) was Chu's last great general. He was the grandfather of Xiang Yu (項羽), who would lead the rebellion that destroyed the Qin dynasty barely fifteen years later. The Chu legacy would prove far more enduring than its political extinction suggested.

太史公曰

The Grand Historian's Judgment

太史公曰:楚靈王方會諸侯於申,誅齊慶封,作章華台,求周九鼎之時,志小天下;及餓死於申亥之家,為天下笑。操行之不得,悲夫!勢之於人也,可不慎與?棄疾以亂立,嬖淫秦女,甚乎哉,幾再亡國!

鬻熊之嗣,周封於楚。僻在荊蠻,蓽路藍縷。及通而霸,僭號曰武。文既伐申,成亦赦許。子圉篡嫡,商臣殺父。天禍未悔,憑奸自怙。昭困奔亡,懷迫囚虜。頃襄、考烈,祚衰南土。

The Grand Historian remarks:

When King Ling of Chu convened the lords at Shen, executed Qing Feng of Qi, built the Zhang Hua Terrace, and sought the Nine Cauldrons of Zhou, his ambition encompassed all under heaven. Yet he ended up starving to death in the house of Shen Hai, a laughingstock to the world. When conduct goes astray — how tragic! The influence of power over men — must one not be cautious?

Qiji seized the throne through disorder, then doted on a Qin woman to the point of depravity — how extreme! He nearly destroyed the state a second time.

[In verse:] Heirs of Yu Xiong, enfeoffed by Zhou at Chu. Remote among the thorns and wilds of Jing, In rags and brambles they hacked their way through. When at last they emerged to dominate, they usurped the title of King — Wu was the first. Wen attacked Shen; Cheng pardoned Xu. Zi Yu usurped the heir; Shang Chen murdered his father. Heaven's calamity brought no repentance; they leaned on villainy and trusted in themselves. Zhao was driven to flight and exile; Huai was pressed into captivity. Qingxiang and Kaolie — the mandate withered in the southern land.

Notes

1context

Sima Qian's concluding judgment is characteristically terse and moralistic. He frames Chu's history as a parable about the dangers of unchecked ambition and the fragility of power. King Ling's arc — from summoning the lords to starving in obscurity — serves as the chapter's moral anchor.

2person棄疾Qì Jí

Qiji (棄疾) was the future King Ping of Chu (楚平王), who usurped the throne after King Ling's death. His infatuation with a Qin princess originally intended for his son led to the exile of Wu Zixu, who later helped Wu destroy Chu's capital — hence Sima Qian's comment that he 'nearly destroyed the state a second time.'

3context

The verse epilogue compresses Chu's entire eight-century history into a few couplets. Yu Xiong (鬻熊) was the legendary ancestor who served King Wen of Zhou. The 'rags and brambles' (蓽路藍縷) alludes to Chu's founding myth of carving a state from wilderness, and has become a standard Chinese idiom for arduous pioneering. The verse ends with the reigns covered in this final portion of the chapter — Qingxiang and Kaolie — as the dynasty's light guttered out.

Edition & Source

Text
《史記》 Shiji
Edition
中華古詩文古書籍網 transcription
Commentary
裴駰《史記集解》、司馬貞《史記索隱》、張守節《史記正義》(Three Commentaries)