趙世家 (Hereditary House of Zhao) — Chinese ink painting

Chapter 43 of 130

趙世家

Hereditary House of Zhao

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趙氏起源

Origins of the Zhao Clan

趙氏之先,與秦共祖。至中衍,為帝大戊御。其後世蜚廉有子二人,而命其一子曰惡來,事紂,為周所殺,其後為秦。惡來弟曰季勝,其後為趙。

季勝生孟增。孟增幸於周成王,是為宅皋狼。皋狼生衡父,衡父生造父。造父幸於周繆王。造父取驥之乘匹,與桃林盜驪、驊騮、綠耳,獻之繆王。繆王使造父御,西巡狩,見西王母,樂之忘歸。而徐偃王反,繆王日馳千里馬,攻徐偃王,大破之。乃賜造父以趙城,由此為趙氏。

自造父已下六世至奄父,曰公仲,周宣王時伐戎,為御。及千畝戰,奄父脫宣王。奄父生叔帶。叔帶之時,周幽王無道,去周如晉,事晉文侯,始建趙氏於晉國。

自叔帶以下,趙宗益興,五世而至趙夙。

The ancestors of the Zhao clan shared a common progenitor with the Qin. By the time of Zhong Yan, who served as charioteer to the Shang king Da Wu, the lineage was already established. In a later generation, Fei Lian had two sons. One, named E Lai, served King Zhou of Shang and was killed when the Zhou dynasty conquered Shang — his descendants became the Qin. E Lai's younger brother was Ji Sheng, whose descendants became the Zhao.

Ji Sheng begat Meng Zeng. Meng Zeng was a favourite of King Cheng of Zhou and was known as 'the one who dwelt at Gaolang.' Gaolang begat Heng Fu, and Heng Fu begat Zao Fu. Zao Fu was a favourite of King Mu of Zhou. Zao Fu selected a team of fine horses — together with the Dun Li, the Hua Liu, and the Lü Er from the Taolin region — and presented them to King Mu. King Mu made Zao Fu his charioteer and toured the west, where he visited the Queen Mother of the West and was so delighted that he forgot to return. Meanwhile, King Yan of Xu rebelled. King Mu drove his thousand-li horses at full speed, attacked King Yan of Xu, and utterly defeated him. He then bestowed the city of Zhao on Zao Fu, and from this the clan took the name Zhao.

Six generations after Zao Fu came Yan Fu, also called Gong Zhong. During the reign of King Xuan of Zhou, Yan Fu served as charioteer in a campaign against the Rong barbarians. At the Battle of Qianmu, Yan Fu rescued King Xuan from danger. Yan Fu begat Shu Dai. In Shu Dai's time, King You of Zhou was a dissolute ruler, so Shu Dai left Zhou for Jin, where he served Duke Wen of Jin. This was the beginning of the Zhao clan's establishment in the state of Jin.

From Shu Dai onward, the Zhao lineage grew increasingly prosperous, and after five more generations it reached Zhao Su.

Notes

1context

The Zhao and Qin clans both traced their ancestry to the semi-mythical figure Bo Yi (伯益), who assisted Yu the Great. Their shared lineage through the Ying (嬴) surname is a recurring theme in the Shiji.

2person中衍Zhōng Yǎn

Zhong Yan (中衍) was a legendary ancestor who supposedly had a bird-like beak and human face. King Da Wu (帝大戊) was a Shang dynasty ruler.

3person造父Zào Fù

Zao Fu (造父) is one of the most celebrated charioteers in Chinese legend. King Mu of Zhou (周繆王, r. trad. 976–922 BC) was famous for his far-ranging travels, especially his mythical visit to the Queen Mother of the West (西王母).

4place

Zhao city (趙城) was located in modern Hongdong County (洪洞縣), Shanxi province. This grant gave the clan its surname.

5context

The Battle of Qianmu (千畝之戰, 789 BC) was a significant defeat of the Zhou royal army by the Quanrong (犬戎) barbarians. King Xuan of Zhou (r. 827–782 BC) narrowly escaped.

6person叔帶Shū Dài

Shu Dai (叔帶) moved to Jin during the reign of King You (周幽王, r. 781–771 BC), whose misrule led to the fall of Western Zhou. Duke Wen of Jin (晉文侯, r. 780–746 BC) was one of the lords who helped restore the Zhou royal house.

趙夙與趙衰

Zhao Su and Zhao Cui — Service under Dukes Xian and Wen of Jin

趙夙,晉獻公之十六年伐霍、魏、耿,而趙夙為將伐霍。霍公求餎齊。晉大旱,卜之,曰"霍太山為祟"。使趙夙召霍君於齊,復之,以奉霍太山之祀,晉復穰。晉獻公賜趙夙耿。

夙生共孟,當魯閔公之元年也。共孟生趙衰,字子餘。

趙衰卜事晉獻公及諸公子,莫吉;卜事公子重耳,吉,即事重耳。重耳以驪姬之亂亡奔翟,趙衰從。翟伐廧咎如,得二女,翟以其少女妻重耳,長女妻趙衰而生盾。初,重耳在晉時,趙衰妻亦生趙同、趙括、趙嬰齊。趙衰從重耳出亡,凡十九年,得反國。重耳為晉文公,趙衰為原大夫,居原,任國政。文公所以反國及霸,多趙衰計策,語在晉事中。

In the sixteenth year of Duke Xian of Jin, Jin attacked Huo, Wei, and Geng. Zhao Su served as commander of the campaign against Huo. The Duke of Huo fled to Qi. Later, Jin suffered a severe drought. Divination indicated that the spirit of Mount Huo Tai was causing the calamity. Zhao Su was sent to summon the Duke of Huo back from Qi and restore him, so that the sacrifices to Mount Huo Tai would be maintained. Jin's harvests then recovered. Duke Xian rewarded Zhao Su with the city of Geng.

Zhao Su begat Gong Meng, in the first year of Duke Min of Lu. Gong Meng begat Zhao Cui, whose courtesy name was Ziyu.

Zhao Cui divined about which Jin prince to serve. Service to Duke Xian and his other sons yielded no auspicious signs, but service to Prince Chong Er was auspicious, so he attached himself to Chong Er. When Chong Er fled Jin because of the Li Ji succession crisis, Zhao Cui followed him. The Di barbarians attacked the Qiangjiu Ru people and captured two women; the Di gave the younger to Chong Er as wife and the elder to Zhao Cui, who fathered Dun by her. Earlier, while still in Jin, Zhao Cui's Jin wife had borne Zhao Tong, Zhao Kuo, and Zhao Yingqi. Zhao Cui accompanied Chong Er in exile for a total of nineteen years before they were able to return. Chong Er became Duke Wen of Jin, and Zhao Cui was made Grand Master of Yuan, governing from Yuan and directing state affairs. Duke Wen's successful return and subsequent hegemony owed much to Zhao Cui's strategies, as described in the annals of Jin.

Notes

1person晉獻公Jìn Xiàn Gōng

Duke Xian of Jin (晉獻公, r. 676–651 BC) greatly expanded Jin's territory. His sixteenth year was 661 BC.

2place

Geng (耿) was located near modern Hejin (河津), Shanxi. Huo (霍) was near modern Huozhou (霍州), Shanxi.

3person趙衰Zhào Cuī

Zhao Cui (趙衰, d. 622 BC), posthumous name Cheng Ji (成季), was one of the 'Five Worthies' who accompanied Chong Er (重耳) during his nineteen years of exile and helped him become Duke Wen of Jin (晉文公, r. 636–628 BC), the second of the Five Hegemons.

4context

The Li Ji crisis (驪姬之亂, c. 656 BC) was a succession struggle caused by Duke Xian's consort Li Ji, who plotted to install her own son as heir, leading Crown Prince Shen Sheng to commit suicide and Princes Chong Er and Yi Wu to flee.

趙盾專政

Zhao Dun's Dominance and the Assassination of Duke Ling

趙衰既反晉,晉之妻固要迎翟妻,而以其子盾為適嗣,晉妻三子皆下事之。晉襄公之六年,而趙衰卒,謚為成季。趙盾代成季任國政二年而晉襄公卒,太子夷皋年少。盾為國多難,欲立襄公弟雍。雍時在秦,使使迎之。太子母日夜啼泣,頓首謂趙盾曰:"先君何罪,釋其適子而更求君?"趙盾患之,恐其宗與大夫襲誅之,乃遂立太子,是為靈公,發兵距所迎襄公弟於秦者。靈公既立,趙盾益專國政。

靈公立十四年,益驕。趙盾驟諫,靈公弗聽。及食熊蹯,胹不熟,殺宰人,持其屍出,趙盾見之。靈公由此懼,欲殺盾。盾素仁愛人,嘗所食桑下餓人反扞救盾,盾以得亡。未出境,而趙穿弒靈公而立襄公弟黑臀,是為成公。趙盾復反,任國政。君子譏盾"為正卿,亡不出境,反不討賊",故太史書曰"趙盾弒其君"。晉景公時而趙盾卒,謚為宣孟,子朔嗣。

After Zhao Cui returned to Jin, his Jin wife insisted on welcoming the Di wife and yielded precedence to her, establishing her son Dun as the legitimate heir. The Jin wife's three sons all deferred to Dun. In the sixth year of Duke Xiang of Jin, Zhao Cui died and was given the posthumous name Cheng Ji. Zhao Dun succeeded Cheng Ji in directing state affairs. Two years later Duke Xiang died, leaving a young crown prince, Yi Gao. Dun, worried that the state faced many threats, proposed enthroning Duke Xiang's brother Yong, who was then in Qin, and sent envoys to fetch him. But the crown prince's mother wept day and night, kowtowing before Zhao Dun and crying: "What was my late lord's crime, that you would set aside his rightful son and seek another ruler?" Zhao Dun relented, fearing that his own clan and the other grandees might turn on him. He enthroned the crown prince — this was Duke Ling — and sent troops to block the party escorting Yong from Qin. Once Duke Ling was installed, Zhao Dun's hold on state affairs grew even tighter.

After fourteen years on the throne, Duke Ling became increasingly dissolute. Zhao Dun remonstrated repeatedly, but the duke would not listen. On one occasion, when a bear's paw was served insufficiently cooked, the duke killed the cook and had the corpse carried out in full view; Zhao Dun witnessed it. The duke, now afraid of Dun, plotted to assassinate him. But Dun had always been benevolent — a starving man he had once fed under a mulberry tree turned out to be one of the assassins and shielded Dun instead, enabling his escape. Before Dun had crossed the border, his kinsman Zhao Chuan assassinated Duke Ling and enthroned Duke Xiang's brother Hei Tun — this was Duke Cheng. Zhao Dun returned and resumed control of state affairs. Moral critics reproached Dun: as chief minister, he fled without leaving the state, and upon returning he did not punish the regicide. For this reason the Grand Historian wrote: 'Zhao Dun murdered his lord.' Zhao Dun died during the reign of Duke Jing of Jin and was given the posthumous name Xuan Meng. His son Shuo succeeded him.

Notes

1person趙盾Zhào Dùn

Zhao Dun (趙盾, d. c. 601 BC), posthumous name Xuan Meng (宣孟), was the most powerful minister in Jin for over two decades. He is the first of the Zhao line to be chief minister (正卿).

2person晉靈公Jìn Líng Gōng

Duke Ling of Jin (晉靈公, r. 620–607 BC) was notorious for cruelty and dissolute behavior. His assassination is one of the most discussed episodes in the Zuozhuan.

3context

The phrase '趙盾弒其君' ('Zhao Dun murdered his lord') comes from the Spring and Autumn Annals, entry for Duke Xuan Year 2 (607 BC). The Grand Historian Dong Hu (董狐) insisted on this formulation on the principle that Zhao Dun, as chief minister, bore responsibility even though Zhao Chuan struck the blow. Confucius praised Dong Hu as a 'good historian of old' who 'would not conceal.' This became a foundational case in Chinese historiographical ethics.

4context

The episode of the starving man under the mulberry tree (桑下餓人) is one of the best-known stories of reciprocal virtue in Chinese literature. The man, Ling Zhe (靈輒), was an assassin sent by Duke Ling but chose to save Zhao Dun to repay his earlier kindness.

下宮之難——趙氏滅族

The Catastrophe at the Lower Palace — Destruction of the Zhao Clan

趙朔,晉景公之三年,朔為晉將下軍救鄭,與楚莊王戰河上。朔娶晉成公姊為夫人。

晉景公之三年,大夫屠岸賈欲誅趙氏。初,趙盾在時,夢見叔帶持要而哭,甚悲;已而笑,拊手且歌。盾卜之,兆絕而後好。趙史援占之,曰:"此夢甚惡,非君之身,乃君之子,然亦君之咎。至孫,趙將世益衰。"屠岸賈者,始有寵於靈公,及至於景公而賈為司寇,將作難,乃治靈公之賊以致趙盾,遍告諸將曰:"盾雖不知,猶為賊首。以臣弒君,子孫在朝,何以懲罪?請誅之。"韓厥曰:"靈公遇賊,趙盾在外,吾先君以為無罪,故不誅。今諸君將誅其後,是非先君之意而今妄誅。妄誅謂之亂。臣有大事而君不聞,是無君也。"屠岸賈不聽。韓厥告趙朔趣亡。朔不肯,曰:"子必不絕趙祀,朔死不恨。"韓厥許諾,稱疾不出。賈不請而擅與諸將攻趙氏於下宮,殺趙朔、趙同、趙括、趙嬰齊,皆滅其族。

Zhao Shuo served in the third year of Duke Jing of Jin as commander of the Lower Army in a campaign to rescue Zheng, fighting King Zhuang of Chu at the Yellow River. Shuo had married a sister of Duke Cheng of Jin as his wife.

In the third year of Duke Jing, the grandee Tu'an Gu sought to exterminate the Zhao clan. Earlier, while Zhao Dun was still alive, he had dreamed of his ancestor Shu Dai clutching his waist and weeping bitterly, then suddenly laughing, clapping his hands, and singing. Dun had the dream divined; the omen was inauspicious at first but auspicious afterward. The Zhao clan's historian-diviner Zhao Yuan interpreted it: "This dream is very ill-omened. The disaster will not befall you but your son — though it will also be rooted in your own conduct. By the time of your grandson, the Zhao house will decline further."

Tu'an Gu had originally been a favourite of Duke Ling. By the time of Duke Jing he held the office of Minister of Justice. Preparing his attack, he reopened the case of Duke Ling's assassination to implicate Zhao Dun, and announced to the assembled generals: "Even though Dun may not have known of the plot, he is still reckoned the chief culprit. When a minister murders his lord and the minister's descendants remain at court, how can justice be served? I request that they be executed." Han Jue objected: "When Duke Ling met his assassin, Zhao Dun was away from the capital. Our former lord judged him innocent and did not punish him. Now you propose to execute his descendants — this contradicts our former lord's judgment and constitutes an arbitrary killing. Arbitrary killing is called disorder. For a minister to carry out a grave action without the lord's knowledge is to deny the lord's authority." Tu'an Gu refused to listen. Han Jue warned Zhao Shuo to flee at once. Shuo refused, saying: "If you can ensure that the Zhao sacrifices are not cut off, I will die without regret." Han Jue gave his word and withdrew from court, claiming illness. Tu'an Gu, without seeking the duke's authorization, led the generals in an attack on the Zhao compound at the Lower Palace. Zhao Shuo, Zhao Tong, Zhao Kuo, and Zhao Yingqi were killed, and their entire clan was annihilated.

Notes

1person晉景公Jìn Jǐng Gōng

Duke Jing of Jin (晉景公, r. 599–581 BC). His third year was 597 BC, the same year as the great Battle of Bi (邲之戰) between Jin and Chu.

2person屠岸賈Tú'àn Gǔ

Tu'an Gu (屠岸賈) was a Jin grandee who had been a favourite of the dissolute Duke Ling. He exploited the old regicide charge to destroy the Zhao clan. He is one of the great villains in Chinese historical tradition.

3person韓厥Hán Jué

Han Jue (韓厥) was a grandee of the Han clan who would later become chief minister of Jin. His protection of the Zhao orphan cemented the Zhao-Han alliance that would endure for centuries.

4place

The Lower Palace (下宮) was the Zhao clan's residential compound in the Jin capital. The massacre there became known as the 'Catastrophe at the Lower Palace' (下宮之難), one of the most famous episodes in Chinese history.

趙氏孤兒

The Orphan of Zhao

趙朔妻成公姊,有遺腹,走公宮匿。趙朔客曰公孫杵臼,杵臼謂朔友人程嬰曰:"胡不死?"程嬰曰:"朔之婦有遺腹,若幸而男,吾奉之;即女也,吾徐死耳。"居無何,而朔婦免身,生男。屠岸賈聞之,索於宮中。夫人置兒絝中,祝曰:"趙宗滅乎,若號;即不滅,若無聲。"及索,兒竟無聲。已脫,程嬰謂公孫杵臼曰:"今一索不得,後必且復索之,柰何?"公孫杵臼曰:"立孤與死孰難?"程嬰曰:"死易,立孤難耳。"公孫杵臼曰:"趙氏先君遇子厚,子彊為其難者,吾為其易者,請先死。"乃二人謀取他人嬰兒負之,衣以文葆,匿山中。程嬰出,謬謂諸將軍曰:"嬰不肖,不能立趙孤。誰能與我千金,吾告趙氏孤處。"諸將皆喜,許之,發師隨程嬰攻公孫杵臼。杵臼謬曰:"小人哉程嬰!昔下宮之難不能死,與我謀匿趙氏孤兒,今又賣我。縱不能立,而忍賣之乎!"抱兒呼曰:"天乎天乎!趙氏孤兒何罪?請活之,獨殺杵臼可也。"諸將不許,遂殺杵臼與孤兒。諸將以為趙氏孤兒良已死,皆喜。然趙氏真孤乃反在,程嬰卒與俱匿山中。

Zhao Shuo's wife, the sister of Duke Cheng, was pregnant at the time of the massacre. She fled to the ducal palace and hid there. A retainer of Zhao Shuo named Gongsun Chujiu said to Shuo's friend Cheng Ying: "Why have you not died?" Cheng Ying replied: "Shuo's wife is carrying an unborn child. If by good fortune it is a boy, I will devote myself to raising him. If it is a girl, then I will take my time dying."

Before long, Shuo's wife gave birth to a boy. Tu'an Gu heard of it and sent soldiers to search the palace. The lady hid the infant in the folds of her trousers and prayed: "If the Zhao line is to perish, cry out. If it is not to perish, make no sound." When the searchers came, the baby made no sound at all. Having escaped this search, Cheng Ying said to Gongsun Chujiu: "They failed to find him this time, but they will certainly search again. What shall we do?" Gongsun Chujiu asked: "Which is harder — raising the orphan, or dying?" Cheng Ying answered: "Dying is easy. Raising the orphan is hard." Gongsun Chujiu said: "The former lord of Zhao treated you generously. You take on the harder task; I will take the easier one and die first."

The two men obtained another family's infant, wrapped it in embroidered swaddling clothes, and hid it in the mountains. Cheng Ying then went out and deliberately told the generals: "I am a worthless man — I cannot bring myself to raise the Zhao orphan. Who will give me a thousand pieces of gold? I will reveal where the child is hidden." The generals were delighted and agreed. They dispatched troops to follow Cheng Ying and attack Gongsun Chujiu. Chujiu played his part perfectly, crying out: "What a villain you are, Cheng Ying! When the catastrophe struck the Lower Palace, you could not bring yourself to die. You plotted with me to hide the Zhao orphan, and now you betray me. Even if you cannot raise the child, how can you bear to sell him?" Clutching the infant, he cried to heaven: "Heaven! Heaven! What crime has the Zhao orphan committed? Spare his life — kill Chujiu alone!" The generals refused, and killed both Chujiu and the substitute infant. The generals believed the Zhao orphan was truly dead and were jubilant. But the real Zhao orphan was alive all along; Cheng Ying had taken the child and remained hidden with him in the mountains.

Notes

1person程嬰Chéng Yīng

Cheng Ying (程嬰) and Gongsun Chujiu (公孫杵臼) are two of the most celebrated exemplars of loyalty in Chinese culture. Their self-sacrificing scheme to save the Zhao orphan became the subject of the famous Yuan dynasty drama 'The Orphan of Zhao' (趙氏孤兒) by Ji Junxiang, one of the first Chinese plays to be adapted in Europe (by Voltaire, as 'L'Orphelin de la Chine', 1755).

2person公孫杵臼Gōngsūn Chǔjiù

Gongsun Chujiu (公孫杵臼) was a retainer (客) of the Zhao household. His choice to die in place of Cheng Ying, taking on 'the easier task,' is a famous example of self-sacrifice for a greater cause.

3context

The historicity of the Orphan of Zhao story is debated. The Zuozhuan presents a significantly different account of the Zhao clan's fall and restoration, without the dramatic elements of the hidden orphan and the substitute baby. Most modern historians consider Sima Qian's version to be a literary elaboration, though it became the canonical version in later Chinese culture.

趙武復立

Restoration of Zhao Wu

居十五年,晉景公疾,卜之,大業之後不遂者為祟。景公問韓厥,厥知趙孤在,乃曰:"大業之後在晉絕祀者,其趙氏乎?夫自中衍者皆嬴姓也。中衍人面鳥噣,降佐殷帝大戊,及周天子,皆有明德。下及幽厲無道,而叔帶去周適晉,事先君文侯,至於成公,世有立功,未嘗絕祀。今吾君獨滅趙宗,國人哀之,故見龜策。唯君圖之。"景公問:"趙尚有後子孫乎?"韓厥具以實告。於是景公乃與韓厥謀立趙孤兒,召而匿之宮中。諸將入問疾,景公因韓厥之眾以脅諸將而見趙孤。趙孤名曰武。諸將不得已,乃曰:"昔下宮之難,屠岸賈為之,矯以君命,並命群臣。非然,孰敢作難!微君之疾,群臣固且請立趙後。今君有命,群臣之原也。"於是召趙武、程嬰遍拜諸將,遂反與程嬰、趙武攻屠岸賈,滅其族。復與趙武田邑如故。

及趙武冠,為成人,程嬰乃辭諸大夫,謂趙武曰:"昔下宮之難,皆能死。我非不能死,我思立趙氏之後。今趙武既立,為成人,復故位,我將下報趙宣孟與公孫杵臼。"趙武啼泣頓首固請,曰:"武原苦筋骨以報子至死,而子忍去我死乎!"程嬰曰:"不可。彼以我為能成事,故先我死;今我不報,是以我事為不成。"遂自殺。趙武服齊衰三年,為之祭邑,春秋祠之,世世勿絕。

Fifteen years passed. Duke Jing of Jin fell ill, and divination revealed that the spirit of an unsatisfied descendant of Da Ye was causing the illness. Duke Jing consulted Han Jue. Han Jue, knowing the Zhao orphan was alive, said: "Among the descendants of Da Ye whose sacrificial line has been cut off in Jin, would that not be the Zhao clan? From Zhong Yan onward, all were of the Ying surname. Zhong Yan had a human face and a bird's beak; he descended to assist the Shang king Da Wu and later served the Zhou Son of Heaven — all with distinguished virtue. Down through the misrule of Kings You and Li, Shu Dai left Zhou for Jin and served our former lord Duke Wen, and from then until Duke Cheng the Zhao rendered meritorious service in every generation, their sacrifices never interrupted. Now our lord alone has annihilated the Zhao lineage. The people of Jin grieve for them — that is why the oracle shells and milfoil stalks show this omen. I urge my lord to consider this."

Duke Jing asked: "Do the Zhao still have surviving descendants?" Han Jue told him the full truth. Duke Jing then conspired with Han Jue to restore the Zhao orphan, summoning the child and hiding him in the palace. When the generals came to inquire after the duke's health, the duke, backed by Han Jue's armed retainers, confronted the generals with the Zhao orphan. The orphan's name was Wu. The generals had no choice and said: "The catastrophe at the Lower Palace was Tu'an Gu's doing — he forged a ducal command and coerced the ministers. Had it been otherwise, who would have dared act? Even without Your Lordship's illness, we ministers were already on the point of requesting the restoration of the Zhao heir. Now that you have commanded it, it is our fondest wish." Thereupon Zhao Wu and Cheng Ying were summoned to pay formal respects to all the generals. They then turned their forces on Tu'an Gu, annihilated his clan, and restored to Zhao Wu his lands and fiefs as before.

When Zhao Wu came of age and underwent the capping ceremony, Cheng Ying took leave of the grandees and said to Zhao Wu: "At the time of the catastrophe at the Lower Palace, all of them could have chosen death. It was not that I could not die — I chose to live in order to raise the Zhao heir. Now Zhao Wu is established, has come of age, and has recovered his former position. I shall go below to report to Zhao Xuan Meng and Gongsun Chujiu." Zhao Wu wept, kowtowed, and desperately pleaded: "I would gladly wear out my body to repay you for the rest of my life — how can you bear to leave me and die?" Cheng Ying replied: "It cannot be otherwise. They died before me because they trusted that I could accomplish the task. If I do not go to report to them now, it will be as though I considered my task unfinished." He then took his own life. Zhao Wu wore mourning of the second grade for three years, established a sacrificial estate for Cheng Ying, and conducted offerings in spring and autumn, never to be discontinued through all generations.

Notes

1person趙武Zhào Wǔ

Zhao Wu (趙武, d. 541 BC), posthumous name Wen Zi (文子), would go on to become chief minister of Jin. Da Ye (大業) was the remote ancestor of the Ying (嬴) surname clan, which included both the Zhao and Qin lineages.

2context

Cheng Ying's suicide after completing his mission expresses the concept of 'reporting' (報) to the dead — a belief that the spirit world mirrors the living one and that obligations transcend death. His refusal to outlive his task became a model of fidelity in later Chinese literature.

3context

The generals' quick capitulation and claim that they had always intended to restore the Zhao heir is a transparent face-saving maneuver. Sima Qian's deadpan narration invites the reader to note the irony.

趙武至趙簡子

From Zhao Wu to Zhao Jianzi — The Six Ministers and Jin's Decline

趙氏復位十一年,而晉厲公殺其大夫三郤。欒書畏及,乃遂弒其君厲公,更立襄公曾孫周,是為悼公。晉由此大夫稍彊。

趙武續趙宗二十七年,晉平公立。平公十二年,而趙武為正卿。十三年,吳延陵季子使於晉,曰:"晉國之政卒歸於趙武子、韓宣子、魏獻子之後矣。"趙武死,謚為文子。

文子生景叔。景叔之時,齊景公使晏嬰於晉,晏嬰與晉叔向語。嬰曰:"齊之政後卒歸田氏。"叔向亦曰:"晉國之政將歸六卿。六卿侈矣,而吾君不能恤也。"

趙景叔卒,生趙鞅,是為簡子。

Eleven years after the Zhao clan's restoration, Duke Li of Jin killed three grandees of the Xi clan. Luan Shu, fearing he would be next, assassinated Duke Li and installed Duke Xiang's great-grandson Zhou on the throne — this was Duke Dao. From this point, Jin's great families grew steadily more powerful.

Twenty-seven years after Zhao Wu continued the Zhao line, Duke Ping of Jin came to the throne. In Duke Ping's twelfth year, Zhao Wu became chief minister. In the thirteenth year, Ji Zha of Wu, Prince of Yanling, visited Jin on a diplomatic mission and remarked: "The governance of Jin will ultimately pass to the descendants of Zhao Wu, Han Xuanzi, and Wei Xianzi." When Zhao Wu died, he was given the posthumous name Wen Zi.

Wen Zi begat Jing Shu. During Jing Shu's time, Duke Jing of Qi sent Yan Ying as envoy to Jin. Yan Ying spoke with Shu Xiang of Jin. Yan Ying said: "The governance of Qi will ultimately pass to the Tian clan." Shu Xiang replied: "The governance of Jin will pass to the Six Ministers. The Six Ministers grow ever more extravagant, and our lord cannot restrain them."

Zhao Jing Shu died. His son was Zhao Yang — this was Jianzi.

Notes

1person季札Jì Zhá

Ji Zha (季札), Prince of Yanling, was a prince of Wu famed for his cultural discernment and diplomatic insight. His prediction that power in Jin would pass to the Zhao, Han, and Wei families was fulfilled when the three partitioned Jin in 403 BC.

2context

The Six Ministers (六卿) of Jin were the heads of the six great families who shared ministerial power: Zhao, Han, Wei, Fan (范), Zhonghang (中行), and Zhi (知/智). By the late Spring and Autumn period, these families had eclipsed the ducal house. Yan Ying's and Shu Xiang's parallel prophecies — one about Qi's Tian clan, the other about Jin's six families — are among the most famous predictions in the Zuozhuan.

3person趙簡子Zhào Jiǎnzǐ

Zhao Yang (趙鞅), known as Zhao Jianzi (趙簡子, d. 476 BC), was the most consequential head of the Zhao family before the partition of Jin. He laid the groundwork for Zhao's eventual independence.

趙簡子之政——扁鵲與夢境

Zhao Jianzi's Rule — Bian Que and the Prophetic Dream

趙簡子在位,晉頃公之九年,簡子將合諸侯戍於周。其明年,入周敬王於周,辟弟子朝之故也。

晉頃公之十二年,六卿以法誅公族祁氏、羊舌氏,分其邑為十縣,六卿各令其族為之大夫。晉公室由此益弱。

後十三年,魯賊臣陽虎來奔,趙簡子受賂,厚遇之。

趙簡子疾,五日不知人,大夫皆懼。醫扁鵲視之,出,董安於問。扁鵲曰:"血脈治也,而何怪!在昔秦繆公嘗如此,七日而寤。寤之日,告公孫支與子輿曰:'我之帝所甚樂。吾所以久者,適有學也。帝告我:「晉國將大亂,五世不安;其後將霸,未老而死;霸者之子且令而國男女無別。」'公孫支書而藏之,秦讖於是出矣。獻公之亂,文公之霸,而襄公敗秦師於殽而歸縱淫,此子之所聞。今主君之疾與之同,不出三日疾必間,間必有言也。"

居二日半,簡子寤。語大夫曰:"我之帝所甚樂,與百神遊於鈞天,廣樂九奏萬舞,不類三代之樂,其聲動人心。有一熊欲來援我,帝命我射之,中熊,熊死。又有一羆來,我又射之,中羆,羆死。帝甚喜,賜我二笥,皆有副。吾見兒在帝側,帝屬我一翟犬,曰:'及而子之壯也,以賜之。'帝告我:'晉國且世衰,七世而亡,嬴姓將大敗周人於范魁之西,而亦不能有也。今餘思虞舜之勛,適余將以其胄女孟姚配而七世之孫。'"董安於受言而書藏之。以扁鵲言告簡子,簡子賜扁鵲田四萬畝。

While Zhao Jianzi held power, in the ninth year of Duke Qing of Jin, Jianzi assembled the feudal lords to garrison the Zhou royal domain. The following year, he escorted King Jing of Zhou back to the capital, this being due to the rebellion of the king's younger brother Zichao.

In the twelfth year of Duke Qing, the Six Ministers used legal pretexts to destroy the ducal kinsmen of the Qi and Yangshe clans, dividing their territory into ten counties and appointing their own clansmen as county magistrates. The Jin ducal house was further weakened.

Thirteen years later, the fugitive Lu minister Yang Hu came to Jin. Zhao Jianzi accepted his bribes and treated him generously.

Zhao Jianzi fell gravely ill and was unconscious for five days. The grandees were all alarmed. The physician Bian Que examined him, came out, and was questioned by Dong Anyu. Bian Que said: "His pulse is in order — there is nothing to worry about. In former times, Duke Mu of Qin experienced the same condition and awoke after seven days. Upon awakening, he told Gongsun Zhi and Ziyu: 'I visited the Supreme Deity's realm and found it most delightful. The reason I was gone so long is that I had something to learn. The Deity told me: Jin will descend into great turmoil, five generations of instability; afterward one will achieve hegemony but die before growing old; the hegemon's son will then cause the men and women of his state to disregard all propriety.' Gongsun Zhi recorded this and stored it away — this was the origin of the Qin prophecy. Duke Xian's turmoil, Duke Wen's hegemony, and Duke Xiang's defeat of the Qin army at Xiao followed by his return to a life of debauchery — all this you have heard. The present lord's illness is of the same kind. Within three days he will certainly recover, and upon recovering he will have something to say."

After two and a half days, Jianzi awoke. He told his grandees: "I visited the Supreme Deity's realm and found it most delightful. I roamed with the hundred spirits in the Celestial Harmony, where vast music played nine movements with ten thousand dances — unlike anything from the Three Dynasties, its sound stirred the very heart. A bear came at me, and the Deity commanded me to shoot it. I hit it, and the bear died. Then a great brown bear came, and I shot it too — it died. The Deity was greatly pleased and bestowed upon me two baskets, each with a duplicate. I saw a child at the Deity's side. The Deity entrusted me with a Di hound and said: 'When your son comes of age, give it to him.' The Deity also told me: 'Jin will decline generation by generation and perish in the seventh generation. The Ying clan will greatly defeat the Zhou people west of Fankui, but will not be able to hold that land. Now I recall the merits of Yu Shun, and I intend to give his descendant-daughter Meng Yao as consort to your seventh-generation grandson.'" Dong Anyu took down the words and stored the record away. When Bian Que's prediction was relayed to Jianzi, Jianzi rewarded Bian Que with forty thousand mu of farmland.

Notes

1person扁鵲Biǎn Què

Bian Que (扁鵲) is the most celebrated physician in pre-imperial Chinese tradition. Modern scholars debate whether 'Bian Que' was a real individual or a title applied to several different healers. His appearance here in the late 6th century BC is one of the earliest datable references.

2person董安於Dǒng Ānyú

Dong Anyu (董安於) was Zhao Jianzi's most trusted counselor and the man who fortified Jinyang (晉陽). He would later sacrifice his own life for the Zhao cause.

3context

The prophetic dream is loaded with foreshadowing. The two bears represent the Fan and Zhonghang clans, who would be destroyed by Jianzi. The 'Di hound' and 'seventh-generation grandson' foreshadow the rise of King Wuling of Zhao (趙武靈王), who adopted Hu (barbarian) cavalry tactics and annexed the state of Dai. 'Meng Yao' is the legendary consort Lady Mengji (孟姚/吳娃). The prophecy about the Ying clan defeating 'Zhou people' at Fankui likely alludes to Qin's conquest.

4context

The Celestial Harmony (鈞天) refers to the celestial court's music. The 'Nine Movements' (九奏) may allude to the legendary Shao music of Emperor Shun, said to cause phoenixes to dance.

路遇異人與選立太子

The Stranger on the Road and the Selection of the Heir

他日,簡子出,有人當道,辟之不去,從者怒,將刃之。當道者曰:"吾欲有謁於主君。"從者以聞。簡子召之,曰:"譆,吾有所見子晣也。"當道者曰:"屏左右,原有謁。"簡子屏人。當道者曰:"主君之疾,臣在帝側。"簡子曰:"然,有之。子之見我,我何為?"當道者曰:"帝令主君射熊與羆,皆死。"簡子曰:"是,且何也?"當道者曰:"晉國且有大難,主君首之。帝令主君滅二卿,夫熊與羆皆其祖也。"簡子曰:"帝賜我二笥皆有副,何也?"當道者曰:"主君之子將克二國於翟,皆子姓也。"簡子曰:"吾見兒在帝側,帝屬我一翟犬,曰'及而子之長以賜之'。夫兒何謂以賜翟犬?"當道者曰:"兒,主君之子也。翟犬者,代之先也。主君之子且必有代。及主君之後嗣,且有革政而胡服,並二國於翟。"簡子問其姓而延之以官。當道者曰:"臣野人,致帝命耳。"遂不見。簡子書藏之府。

異日,姑布子卿見簡子,簡子遍召諸子相之。子卿曰:"無為將軍者。"簡子曰:"趙氏其滅乎?"子卿曰:"吾嘗見一子於路,殆君之子也。"簡子召子毋恤。毋恤至,則子卿起曰:"此真將軍矣!"簡子曰:"此其母賤,翟婢也,奚道貴哉?"子卿曰:"天所授,雖賤必貴。"自是之後,簡子盡召諸子與語,毋恤最賢。簡子乃告諸子曰:"吾藏寶符於常山上,先得者賞。"諸子馳之常山上,求,無所得。毋恤還,曰:"已得符矣。"簡子曰:"奏之。"毋恤曰:"從常山上臨代,代可取也。"簡子於是知毋恤果賢,乃廢太子伯魯,而以毋恤為太子。

On another day, Jianzi went out and encountered a man standing in the middle of the road who would not move aside. His attendants were furious and about to cut him down. The man said: "I wish to have an audience with the lord." The attendants reported this. Jianzi summoned him and said: "Ah — it seems I have seen you before, but dimly." The man said: "Clear your attendants. I wish to speak privately." Jianzi dismissed everyone. The man said: "During my lord's illness, I was at the Deity's side." Jianzi said: "Yes, so there was such a thing. When you saw me, what was I doing?" The man said: "The Deity commanded you to shoot a bear and a brown bear. Both died." Jianzi said: "That is so. What did it mean?" The man said: "Jin will face a great calamity, and you will lead the way through it. The Deity commanded you to destroy two ministerial houses. The bear and the brown bear are their totemic ancestors." Jianzi said: "The Deity gave me two baskets, each with a duplicate — what does that signify?" The man said: "Your son will conquer two territories among the Di. Both bear the Zi surname." Jianzi said: "I saw a child at the Deity's side. The Deity entrusted me with a Di hound, saying, 'Give it to your son when he grows up.' What is meant by the child and the Di hound?" The man said: "The child is your son. The Di hound represents the ancestor of Dai. Your son will certainly take Dai. And among your later descendants, one will reform the government, adopt barbarian dress, and unite two Di territories." Jianzi asked his name and offered him an official position. The man said: "I am a commoner. I came only to deliver the Deity's message." He then vanished. Jianzi recorded the encounter and stored the document in the archives.

On yet another day, the physiognomist Gubu Ziqing visited Jianzi. Jianzi summoned all his sons to be examined. Ziqing said: "None of them is fit to be a general." Jianzi said: "Is the Zhao house to be destroyed, then?" Ziqing said: "I once saw a boy on the road who is probably your son." Jianzi summoned his son Wuxu. When Wuxu arrived, Ziqing rose and exclaimed: "This is the true general!" Jianzi said: "But his mother is of lowly birth — a Di slave woman. How can he become eminent?" Ziqing replied: "What Heaven bestows will be noble regardless of low birth." From this time on, Jianzi summoned all his sons to converse with them. Wuxu proved the most capable. Jianzi then told his sons: "I have hidden a treasure talisman atop Mount Chang. Whoever finds it first will be rewarded." The sons raced to Mount Chang and searched, but found nothing. Wuxu returned and said: "I have found the talisman." Jianzi said: "Present it." Wuxu replied: "From the summit of Mount Chang, one looks down on Dai. Dai can be taken." Jianzi then knew that Wuxu was truly worthy. He deposed the crown prince Bo Lu and made Wuxu his heir.

Notes

1person趙襄子Zhào Xiāngzǐ

Wuxu (毋恤) is Zhao Xiangzi (趙襄子, d. 425 BC), who would lead the Zhao through the existential struggle against the Zhi clan and complete the de facto partition of Jin. His mother was a Di (翟) slave woman, making his selection as heir over his legitimate elder brother Bo Lu highly unusual.

2person姑布子卿Gūbù Zǐqīng

Gubu Ziqing (姑布子卿) was a famous physiognomist (相士). Physiognomy — reading a person's destiny from their physical appearance — was widely practiced and taken seriously in ancient China.

3place

Mount Chang (常山) is Mount Heng (恆山), one of the Five Sacred Mountains, located in northern Shanxi/Hebei. Dai (代) was a small state in northern Shanxi, near modern Yuxian (蔚縣). The strategic insight — that Mount Chang commands the approach to Dai — was exactly the kind of military-geographic thinking Jianzi was testing for.

4context

The prophecy of 'reforming government and adopting barbarian dress' (革政而胡服) clearly foreshadows King Wuling of Zhao's famous 'Hufu qishe' (胡服騎射) military reform of 307 BC, in which he ordered his soldiers to abandon chariots for mounted cavalry and wear nomadic-style clothing suited to horseback warfare. Sima Qian places this prophecy here to create narrative anticipation across several generations.

范、中行之亂

The Revolt of the Fan and Zhonghang Clans

後二年,晉定公之十四年,范、中行作亂。明年春,簡子謂邯鄲大夫午曰:"歸我衛士五百家,吾將置之晉陽。"午許諾,歸而其父兄不聽,倍言。趙鞅捕午,囚之晉陽。乃告邯鄲人曰:"我私有誅午也,諸君欲誰立?"遂殺午。趙稷、涉賓以邯鄲反。晉君使籍秦圍邯鄲。荀寅、范吉射與午善,不肯助秦而謀作亂,董安於知之。十月,范、中行氏伐趙鞅,鞅奔晉陽,晉人圍之。范吉射、荀寅仇人魏襄等謀逐荀寅,以梁嬰父代之;逐吉射,以范皋繹代之。荀櫟言於晉侯曰:"君命大臣,始亂者死。今三臣始亂而獨逐鞅,用刑不均,請皆逐之。"十一月,荀櫟、韓不佞、魏哆奉公命以伐范、中行氏,不克。范、中行氏反伐公,公擊之,范、中行敗走。丁未,二子奔朝歌。韓、魏以趙氏為請。十二月辛未,趙鞅入絳,盟於公宮。其明年,知伯文子謂趙鞅曰:"范、中行雖信為亂,安於發之,是安於與謀也。晉國有法,始亂者死。夫二子已伏罪而安於獨在。"趙鞅患之。安於曰:"臣死,趙氏定,晉國寧,吾死晚矣。"遂自殺。趙氏以告知伯,然後趙氏寧。

孔子聞趙簡子不請晉君而執邯鄲午,保晉陽,故書春秋曰"趙鞅以晉陽畔"。

Two years later, in the fourteenth year of Duke Ding of Jin, the Fan and Zhonghang clans rose in revolt. The following spring, Jianzi said to Wu, the Grand Master of Handan: "Return to me five hundred households of Wei garrison troops. I intend to settle them at Jinyang." Wu agreed, but when he returned home, his father and kinsmen refused to comply, and he broke his promise. Zhao Yang seized Wu and imprisoned him at Jinyang, then announced to the people of Handan: "I have privately executed Wu. Whom do you wish to install in his place?" He then killed Wu. Zhao Ji and She Bin raised Handan in revolt. The Jin lord sent Ji Qin to besiege Handan. Xun Yin and Fan Jishe, who were friends of Wu, refused to assist in the siege and began plotting their own rebellion — Dong Anyu discovered the conspiracy. In the tenth month, the Fan and Zhonghang clans attacked Zhao Yang. Yang fled to Jinyang, and the Jin forces besieged him. Enemies of Fan Jishe and Xun Yin — led by Wei Xiang — plotted to expel them and install replacements. Xun Li then argued before the Duke of Jin: "Your Lordship's standing order is that whoever initiates disorder shall die. Three ministers initiated this disorder, yet only Yang is being driven out. If punishment is not applied equally, I request that all three be expelled." In the eleventh month, Xun Li, Han Buning, and Wei Duo, acting on ducal orders, attacked the Fan and Zhonghang clans but could not defeat them. The Fan and Zhonghang clans then counterattacked the duke himself. The duke struck back, and the Fan and Zhonghang forces were routed. On the dingwei day, the two clan heads fled to Zhaoge. Han and Wei interceded on behalf of the Zhao clan. On the xinwei day of the twelfth month, Zhao Yang entered the Jin capital of Jiang and swore a covenant at the ducal palace.

The following year, Zhi Bo Wenzi said to Zhao Yang: "Although the Fan and Zhonghang clans truly committed rebellion, Dong Anyu exposed the plot — which means Anyu was party to the conspiracy. Jin law states that those who initiate disorder must die. The two clan heads have already been punished, yet Anyu alone remains." Zhao Yang was troubled. Dong Anyu said: "If my death settles the Zhao house and pacifies Jin, then I have died too late already." He then took his own life. The Zhao clan reported his death to Zhi Bo, and only then was the Zhao house secure.

When Confucius heard that Zhao Jianzi had arrested Handan Wu without the Jin lord's authorization and held out at Jinyang, he wrote in the Spring and Autumn Annals: 'Zhao Yang rebelled with Jinyang.'

Notes

1place晉陽

Jinyang (晉陽) was the Zhao clan's stronghold, located at modern Taiyuan (太原), Shanxi. It was the fortified base to which the Zhao repeatedly retreated in times of crisis and would play a decisive role again in the struggle against Zhi Bo.

2place邯鄲

Handan (邯鄲) was a major city in southern Zhao territory (modern Handan, Hebei). Its relationship with the Zhao main branch was often fraught; Handan's semi-autonomous status led to the crisis described here.

3context

Dong Anyu's self-sacrifice to protect the Zhao clan from Zhi Bo's legal maneuvering parallels Gongsun Chujiu's earlier sacrifice. The Shiji portrays the Zhao house as repeatedly sustained by the selfless deaths of loyal retainers.

4person知伯Zhī Bó

Zhi Bo (知伯), also called Zhi Yao (知瑤), head of the Zhi (智) clan, was at this time the most powerful of the remaining four great families. His arrogance would eventually lead to his destruction. 'Wenzi' (文子) here is his father Zhi Bo Xun Yao (荀瑤), sometimes conflated in the sources.

簡子晚年與襄子繼位

Jianzi's Final Years and the Succession of Xiangzi

趙簡子有臣曰周舍,好直諫。周舍死,簡子每聽朝,常不悅,大夫請罪。簡子曰:"大夫無罪。吾聞千羊之皮不如一狐之腋。諸大夫朝,徒聞唯唯,不聞周舍之鄂鄂,是以憂也。"簡子由此能附趙邑而懷晉人。

晉定公十八年,趙簡子圍范、中行於朝歌,中行文子奔邯鄲。明年,衛靈公卒。簡子與陽虎送衛太子蒯聵於衛,衛不內,居戚。

晉定公二十一年,簡子拔邯鄲,中行文子奔柏人。簡子又圍柏人,中行文子、范昭子遂奔齊。趙竟有邯鄲、柏人。范、中行餘邑入於晉。趙名晉卿,實專晉權,奉邑侔於諸侯。

晉定公三十年,定公與吳王夫差爭長於黃池,趙簡子從晉定公,卒長吳。定公三十七年卒,而簡子除三年之喪,期而已。是歲,越王句踐滅吳。

晉出公十一年,知伯伐鄭。趙簡子疾,使太子毋恤將而圍鄭。知伯醉,以酒灌擊毋恤。毋恤群臣請死之。毋恤曰:"君所以置毋恤,為能忍卼。"然亦慍知伯。知伯歸,因謂簡子,使廢毋恤,簡子不聽。毋恤由此怨知伯。

晉出公十七年,簡子卒,太子毋恤代立,是為襄子。

Zhao Jianzi had a minister named Zhou She who was fond of blunt remonstrance. When Zhou She died, Jianzi was perpetually unhappy at court audiences, and his grandees begged to know what offense they had committed. Jianzi said: "You have committed no offense. I have heard that the pelts of a thousand sheep are not worth one fox's armpit fur. When you grandees attend court, all I hear is 'yes, yes' — I no longer hear Zhou She's forthright objections. That is why I grieve." Thanks to this attitude, Jianzi was able to draw the Zhao territories close and win the hearts of Jin's people.

In the eighteenth year of Duke Ding of Jin, Zhao Jianzi besieged the Fan and Zhonghang clans at Zhaoge. Zhonghang Wenzi fled to Handan. The following year, Duke Ling of Wei died. Jianzi and Yang Hu escorted the Wei crown prince Kuaikui back to Wei, but Wei refused to admit him, and he stayed at Qi.

In the twenty-first year of Duke Ding, Jianzi captured Handan. Zhonghang Wenzi fled to Boren. Jianzi then besieged Boren, and Zhonghang Wenzi and Fan Zhaozi fled to Qi. The Zhao thus acquired Handan and Boren. The remaining Fan and Zhonghang territories reverted to the Jin state. The Zhao were nominally Jin ministers, but in reality they controlled Jin's power, and their fiefs rivaled those of independent lords.

In the thirtieth year of Duke Ding, the duke and King Fuchai of Wu contested for precedence at the Huangchi conference. Zhao Jianzi accompanied Duke Ding, who ultimately yielded precedence to Wu. Duke Ding died in his thirty-seventh year. Jianzi curtailed the three-year mourning period, observing only one year. That same year, King Goujian of Yue destroyed Wu.

In the eleventh year of Duke Chu of Jin, Zhi Bo attacked Zheng. Zhao Jianzi was ill and sent Crown Prince Wuxu to command the siege of Zheng. While drunk, Zhi Bo hurled a wine goblet at Wuxu's face. Wuxu's ministers demanded that he fight Zhi Bo. Wuxu said: "The reason my lord made me heir is that I am capable of enduring humiliation." Nonetheless, he harbored resentment toward Zhi Bo. Zhi Bo returned and urged Jianzi to depose Wuxu, but Jianzi refused. From this time on, Wuxu bore a grudge against Zhi Bo.

In the seventeenth year of Duke Chu, Jianzi died. Crown Prince Wuxu succeeded him — this was Xiangzi.

Notes

1context

The proverb 'a thousand sheepskins are not worth one fox's armpit' (千羊之皮不如一狐之腋) became a standard Chinese idiom for valuing honest criticism over sycophantic agreement. The onomatopoeia 唯唯 (yes-yes) versus 鄂鄂 (blunt disagreement) encapsulates the contrast.

2context

The Huangchi conference (黃池之會, 482 BC) was the last great inter-state summit of the Spring and Autumn period, held near modern Fengqiu (封丘), Henan. While King Fuchai of Wu was away contesting for hegemony, Goujian of Yue seized the opportunity to invade Wu, eventually destroying it entirely.

3context

The wine-goblet incident is a pivotal moment. Zhi Bo's public humiliation of Wuxu planted the seed of the personal grudge that would lead to Zhi Bo's eventual destruction. Wuxu's restraint — enduring the insult because his father chose him for his ability to bear hardship — contrasts with Zhi Bo's arrogance.

襄子滅代、三家滅知

Xiangzi Conquers Dai and the Three Families Destroy the Zhi Clan

趙襄子元年,越圍吳。襄子降喪食,使楚隆問吳王。

襄子姊前為代王夫人。簡子既葬,未除服,北登夏屋,請代王。使廚人操銅枓以食代王及從者,行斟,陰令宰人各以枓擊殺代王及從官,遂興兵平代地。其姊聞之,泣而呼天,摩笄自殺。代人憐之,所死地名之為摩笄之山。遂以代封伯魯子周為代成君。伯魯者,襄子兄,故太子。太子蚤死,故封其子。

襄子立四年,知伯與趙、韓、魏盡分其范、中行故地。晉出公怒,告齊、魯,欲以伐四卿。四卿恐,遂共攻出公。出公奔齊,道死。知伯乃立昭公曾孫驕,是為晉懿公。知伯益驕。請地韓、魏,韓、魏與之。請地趙,趙不與,以其圍鄭之辱。知伯怒,遂率韓、魏攻趙。趙襄子懼,乃奔保晉陽。

原過從,後,至於王澤,見三人,自帶以上可見,自帶以下不可見。與原過竹二節,莫通。曰:"為我以是遺趙毋恤。"原過既至,以告襄子。襄子齊三日,親自剖竹,有硃書曰:"趙毋恤,余霍泰山山陽侯天使也。三月丙戌,余將使女反滅知氏。女亦立我百邑,余將賜女林胡之地。至於後世,且有伉王,赤黑,龍面而鳥噣,鬢麋髭皞,大膺大胸,脩下而馮,左衽界乘,奄有河宗,至於休溷諸貉,南伐晉別,北滅黑姑。"襄子再拜,受三神之令。

三國攻晉陽,歲餘,引汾水灌其城,城不浸者三版。城中懸釜而炊,易子而食。群臣皆有外心,禮益慢,唯高共不敢失禮。襄子懼,乃夜使相張孟同私於韓、魏。韓、魏與合謀,以三月丙戌,三國反滅知氏,共分其地。於是襄子行賞,高共為上。張孟同曰:"晉陽之難,唯共無功。"襄子曰:"方晉陽急,群臣皆懈,惟共不敢失人臣禮,是以先之。"於是趙北有代,南並知氏,彊於韓、魏。遂祠三神於百邑,使原過主霍泰山祠祀。

In Zhao Xiangzi's first year, Yue besieged Wu. Xiangzi reduced his mourning rations and sent Chu Long to inquire after the King of Wu.

Xiangzi's elder sister had previously been married to the King of Dai. After Jianzi's funeral, before the mourning period had ended, Xiangzi traveled north to the Xiawu plateau and invited the King of Dai to a banquet. He had his cooks serve the food using bronze ladles, and while they poured drinks, he secretly ordered the attendants to strike the King of Dai and his retinue dead with the ladles. He then raised his troops and conquered the territory of Dai. When his sister heard what had happened, she wept and cried out to heaven, then ground her hairpin against the ground until it was sharp enough to kill herself. The people of Dai pitied her and named the place of her death Moji Mountain — 'the Mountain of the Ground Hairpin.' Xiangzi then enfeoffed Bo Lu's son Zhou as Lord Cheng of Dai. Bo Lu had been Xiangzi's elder brother and the former crown prince. Since the crown prince had died young, his son was given the fief.

In Xiangzi's fourth year, Zhi Bo, together with the Zhao, Han, and Wei, divided up all the former Fan and Zhonghang territories. Duke Chu of Jin was furious and sent word to Qi and Lu, intending to launch a punitive campaign against the four great families. The four families, alarmed, jointly attacked Duke Chu. The duke fled toward Qi but died on the road. Zhi Bo then installed Jiao, a great-grandson of Duke Zhao, on the Jin throne — this was Duke Yi of Jin. Zhi Bo grew ever more arrogant. He demanded territory from Han and Wei, and they complied. He then demanded territory from Zhao. Zhao refused, citing the humiliation at the siege of Zheng. Zhi Bo was enraged and led Han and Wei in an attack on Zhao. Zhao Xiangzi was afraid and retreated to the stronghold of Jinyang.

Xiangzi's retainer Yuan Guo, falling behind the main party, reached Wang Marsh, where he encountered three spirit-figures visible from the waist up but invisible below. They gave Yuan Guo two bamboo joints, hollow but sealed, and said: "Deliver these to Zhao Wuxu on our behalf." When Yuan Guo arrived and reported, Xiangzi fasted for three days and personally split open the bamboo. Inside was a message written in vermilion: "Zhao Wuxu: I am the Heavenly Envoy, Lord of the Southern Slopes of Mount Huo. On the bingxu day of the third month, I shall cause you to turn and destroy the Zhi clan. You shall also establish a hundred settlements for me, and I shall bestow upon you the lands of the Linhu. In future generations, there will be a martial king — ruddy and dark, with a dragon's face and a bird's beak, thick sideburns and white whiskers, a broad chest, long legs, and a powerful build. He will wear his robe fastened on the left and ride a chariot over the frontier, annexing the He-zong peoples, subjugating the Xiuhun and the Mo tribes, attacking the Jin remnants to the south, and destroying the Heigu to the north." Xiangzi bowed twice and accepted the command of the three spirits.

The three allied states besieged Jinyang for over a year. They diverted the Fen River to flood the city; only the top three courses of the wall remained above water. Inside the city, people hung their cooking pots from the rafters and exchanged children to eat. The ministers all wavered in their loyalty and grew increasingly lax in their conduct — only Gao Gong maintained proper decorum. Xiangzi was frightened and sent his chancellor Zhang Mengtong under cover of night to make secret contact with Han and Wei. Han and Wei agreed to conspire with Zhao, and on the bingxu day of the third month, the three states turned on the Zhi clan and annihilated them, dividing Zhi territory among themselves.

When Xiangzi distributed rewards, Gao Gong was ranked first. Zhang Mengtong protested: "During the crisis at Jinyang, Gao Gong alone did nothing." Xiangzi replied: "When Jinyang was in desperate straits, all the ministers grew slack. Only Gao Gong never forgot the propriety due from a minister to his lord. That is why I rank him first." With this, Zhao held Dai in the north and the former Zhi territories in the south, making it stronger than either Han or Wei. Xiangzi then erected shrines to the three spirits across a hundred settlements and appointed Yuan Guo to preside over the sacrifices at Mount Huo.

Notes

1context

Xiangzi's assassination of the King of Dai at a banquet — using his own sister's husband — is one of the most ruthless episodes in the Shiji. His sister's suicide with a ground hairpin (摩笄) gave rise to the place name Moji Mountain, located in modern Yuxian (蔚縣), Hebei.

2context

The Battle of Jinyang (晉陽之戰, 453 BC) is one of the most consequential events in Chinese history. The destruction of the Zhi clan by the allied Zhao, Han, and Wei effectively ended the state of Jin and inaugurated the Warring States period. The traditional start date of the Warring States (403 BC) marks the formal recognition of the three successor states by the Zhou court, but the actual partition occurred here.

3context

The flooding of Jinyang by diverting the Fen River (汾水) is one of the most famous sieges in Chinese military history. The detail 'city not submerged by three courses' (城不浸者三版, about two meters of wall above water), 'hanging pots to cook' (懸釜而炊), and 'exchanging children to eat' (易子而食) became stock phrases for describing extreme siege conditions.

4context

Xiangzi's decision to rank Gao Gong first for maintaining propriety — over Zhang Mengtong, who conducted the decisive secret diplomacy — expresses a recurrent Zhao-family theme: valuing loyalty and correct conduct over instrumental usefulness. This parallels Jianzi's praise of Zhou She for blunt speech.

5context

The vermilion prophecy again foreshadows King Wuling of Zhao: the 'martial king' with 'left-fastened robes' (胡服) who conquers Linhu and the northern peoples. Sima Qian weaves multiple prophetic threads through the chapter to create a sense of historical destiny.

襄子傳位與獻侯

Xiangzi's Succession and the Early Marquises of Zhao

其後娶空同氏,生五子。襄子為伯魯之不立也,不肯立子,且必欲傳位與伯魯子代成君。成君先死,乃取代成君子浣立為太子。襄子立三十三年卒,浣立,是為獻侯。

獻侯少即位,治中牟。

襄子弟桓子逐獻侯,自立於代,一年卒。國人曰桓子立非襄子意,乃共殺其子而復迎立獻侯。

十年,中山武公初立。十三年,城平邑。十五年,獻侯卒,子烈侯籍立。

Later, Xiangzi married a woman of the Kongtong clan and had five sons. Out of remorse that his elder brother Bo Lu had not been made heir, Xiangzi refused to install any of his own sons and was determined to pass the succession to Bo Lu's son, Lord Cheng of Dai. But Lord Cheng died first, so Xiangzi took Lord Cheng's son Huan and named him crown prince. After thirty-three years on the throne, Xiangzi died. Huan succeeded him — this was Marquis Xian.

Marquis Xian was young when he came to the throne and governed from Zhongmou.

Xiangzi's younger brother, Huan Zi, expelled Marquis Xian and installed himself at Dai, but he died after one year. The people said that Huan Zi's enthronement was not Xiangzi's wish, so they killed his son and welcomed Marquis Xian back.

In the tenth year of Marquis Xian, Duke Wu of Zhongshan first came to power. In the thirteenth year, the city of Pingyi was fortified. In the fifteenth year, Marquis Xian died. His son, Marquis Lie, named Ji, succeeded him.

Notes

1person趙獻侯Zhào Xiàn Hóu

Marquis Xian of Zhao (趙獻侯, r. c. 424–409 BC) was the first formally recognized Marquis (侯) of the Zhao house. The title was applied retroactively; during his lifetime, Zhao was still nominally part of Jin.

2place

Zhongmou (中牟) was located in modern Hebi (鶴壁) area, Henan. It served as an early Zhao administrative center before the capital was moved to Handan.

3context

Xiangzi's insistence on passing the throne to his nephew's line rather than his own sons was motivated by guilt over displacing Bo Lu. This led to succession instability — the Huan Zi usurpation — a pattern that would recur in Zhao's history.

4context

Zhongshan (中山) was a non-Chinese (Di/鮮虞) state in central Hebei that posed a persistent threat to Zhao. Its rise and eventual conquest by Zhao would be a major theme of the later part of this chapter.

烈侯好音與賢臣進諫

Marquis Lie's Love of Music and the Advancement of Worthy Ministers

烈侯元年,魏文侯伐中山,使太子擊守之。六年,魏、韓、趙皆相立為諸侯,追尊獻子為獻侯。

烈侯好音,謂相國公仲連曰:"寡人有愛,可以貴之乎?"公仲曰:"富之可,貴之則否。"烈侯曰:"然。夫鄭歌者槍、石二人,吾賜之田,人萬畝。"公仲曰:"諾。"不與。居一月,烈侯從代來,問歌者田。公仲曰:"求,未有可者。"有頃,烈侯復問。公仲終不與,乃稱疾不朝。番吾君自代來,謂公仲曰:"君實好善,而未知所持。今公仲相趙,於今四年,亦有進士乎?"公仲曰:"未也。"番吾君曰:"牛畜、荀欣、徐越皆可。"公仲乃進三人。及朝,烈侯復問:"歌者田何如?"公仲曰:"方使擇其善者。"牛畜侍烈侯以仁義,約以王道,烈侯逌然。明日,荀欣侍,以選練舉賢,任官使能。明日,徐越侍,以節財儉用,察度功德。所與無不充,君說。烈侯使使謂相國曰:"歌者之田且止。"官牛畜為師,荀欣為中尉,徐越為內史,賜相國衣二襲。

九年,烈侯卒,弟武公立。武公十三年卒,趙復立烈侯太子章,是為敬侯。是歲,魏文侯卒。

In the first year of Marquis Lie, Marquis Wen of Wei attacked Zhongshan and stationed his crown prince Ji to hold it. In the sixth year, Wei, Han, and Zhao formally recognized one another as feudal lords, and they retroactively honored Marquis Xian with his posthumous title.

Marquis Lie was fond of music. He said to his chancellor Gongzhong Lian: "I have favourites. Can I ennoble them?" Gongzhong Lian replied: "You may enrich them, but you should not ennoble them." Marquis Lie said: "Very well. The two Zheng singers, Qiang and Shi — I shall grant each of them ten thousand mu of farmland." Gongzhong Lian said: "As you wish." But he did not carry out the grant.

A month later, Marquis Lie returned from Dai and asked about the singers' land. Gongzhong Lian said: "I have been searching, but have not found suitable plots." After some time, Marquis Lie asked again. Gongzhong Lian still refused to comply and finally withdrew from court, claiming illness. The Lord of Fanwu, arriving from Dai, said to Gongzhong Lian: "You truly value goodness, yet you do not know what to uphold. You have been chancellor of Zhao for four years now — have you advanced any worthy men?" Gongzhong Lian said: "I have not." The Lord of Fanwu said: "Niu Xu, Xun Xin, and Xu Yue are all worthy."

Gongzhong Lian then recommended the three men. At the next audience, Marquis Lie again asked: "What about the singers' land?" Gongzhong Lian said: "I am having the best plots selected." Niu Xu attended the Marquis and spoke of benevolence and righteousness, setting forth the Way of the True King. The Marquis was deeply moved. The next day, Xun Xin attended and spoke of selecting and training worthy men and appointing officials based on ability. The day after, Xu Yue attended and spoke of economizing expenditures, exercising frugality, and evaluating merit. Everything they recommended was well-founded, and the Marquis was pleased. He sent a message to the chancellor: "The matter of the singers' land — let it rest." He appointed Niu Xu as Grand Tutor, Xun Xin as Commandant, and Xu Yue as Internal Secretary, and rewarded the chancellor with two suits of clothes.

In the ninth year, Marquis Lie died. His younger brother, Duke Wu, succeeded. Duke Wu died after thirteen years, and the Zhao then enthroned Marquis Lie's crown prince Zhang — this was Marquis Jing. In that same year, Marquis Wen of Wei died.

Notes

1context

The year 403 BC — when Wei, Han, and Zhao were formally recognized as independent feudal lords (諸侯) by the Zhou court — is traditionally taken as the start of the Warring States period. Sima Guang's Zizhi Tongjian begins its chronicle at this date.

2person公仲連Gōngzhòng Lián

Gongzhong Lian (公仲連) was chancellor of Zhao under Marquis Lie. His strategy of passive resistance — agreeing to the order but delaying indefinitely — and then arranging for worthy advisors to redirect the marquis's attention is presented as a model of ministerial integrity.

3context

This anecdote contrasts with the earlier story of Jianzi and Zhou She. Both illustrate the Zhao rulers' capacity to accept remonstrance — a virtue that Sima Qian consistently highlights in this chapter. The three advisors represent the Confucian, meritocratic, and Legalist approaches to governance respectively.

4person魏文侯Wèi Wén Hóu

Marquis Wen of Wei (魏文侯, r. 445–396 BC) was the most powerful of the three successor-state rulers and the first to receive formal recognition. His death in 396 BC marks the end of Wei's early dominance and the beginning of a more competitive multi-state environment.

敬侯與成侯

Marquis Jing and Marquis Cheng — Early Warring States Conflicts

敬侯元年,武公子朝作亂,不克,出奔魏。趙始都邯鄲。

二年,敗齊於靈丘。三年,救魏於廩丘,大敗齊人。四年,魏敗我兔台。築剛平以侵衛。五年,齊、魏為衛攻趙,取我剛平。六年,借兵於楚伐魏,取棘蒲。八年,拔魏黃城。九年,伐齊。齊伐燕,趙救燕。十年,與中山戰於房子。

十一年,魏、韓、趙共滅晉,分其地。伐中山,又戰於中人。十二年,敬侯卒,子成侯種立。

成侯元年,公子勝與成侯爭立,為亂。二年六月,雨雪。三年,太戊午為相。伐衛,取鄉邑七十三。魏敗我藺。四年,與秦戰高安,敗之。五年,伐齊於鄄。魏敗我懷。攻鄭,敗之,以與韓,韓與我長子。六年,中山築長城。伐魏,敗獮澤,圍魏惠王。七年,侵齊,至長城。與韓攻周。八年,與韓分周以為兩。九年,與齊戰阿下。十年,攻衛,取甄。十一年,秦攻魏,趙救之石阿。十二年,秦攻魏少梁,趙救之。十三年,秦獻公使庶長國伐魏少梁,虜其太子、痤。魏敗我澮,取皮牢。成侯與韓昭侯遇上黨。十四年,與韓攻秦。十五年,助魏攻齊。

十六年,與韓、魏分晉,封晉君以端氏。

In the first year of Marquis Jing, Duke Wu's son Zhao Chao attempted a coup but failed and fled to Wei. It was at this time that Zhao made Handan its capital.

In the second year, Zhao defeated Qi at Lingqiu. In the third year, Zhao rescued Wei at Linqiu and inflicted a major defeat on Qi. In the fourth year, Wei defeated Zhao at Tutai. Zhao built Gangping to threaten Wei. In the fifth year, Qi and Wei attacked Zhao on Wei's behalf and took Gangping. In the sixth year, Zhao borrowed troops from Chu to attack Wei and took Jipu. In the eighth year, Zhao captured Wei's Huangcheng. In the ninth year, Zhao attacked Qi. When Qi attacked Yan, Zhao rescued Yan. In the tenth year, Zhao fought Zhongshan at Fangzi.

In the eleventh year, Wei, Han, and Zhao together destroyed the remnant state of Jin and divided its territory. Zhao attacked Zhongshan and fought again at Zhongren. In the twelfth year, Marquis Jing died. His son, Marquis Cheng, named Zhong, succeeded him.

In the first year of Marquis Cheng, Prince Sheng contested the succession and caused disorder. In the second year, in the sixth month, there was an unseasonable snowfall. In the third year, Taiwu Wu was appointed chancellor. Zhao attacked Wei and took seventy-three walled settlements. Wei defeated Zhao at Lin. In the fourth year, Zhao fought Qin at Gao'an and defeated it. In the fifth year, Zhao attacked Qi at Juan. Wei defeated Zhao at Huai. Zhao attacked Zheng and defeated it, ceding the gains to Han in exchange for Changzi. In the sixth year, Zhongshan built a long wall. Zhao attacked Wei, defeated them at Xian Marsh, and besieged King Hui of Wei. In the seventh year, Zhao raided Qi as far as the Long Wall, and jointly attacked Zhou with Han. In the eighth year, Zhao and Han divided the Zhou royal domain into two parts. In the ninth year, Zhao fought Qi below A. In the tenth year, Zhao attacked Wei and took Zhen. In the eleventh year, Qin attacked Wei and Zhao came to Wei's rescue at Shi'a. In the twelfth year, Qin attacked Wei at Shaoliang and Zhao again rescued Wei. In the thirteenth year, Duke Xian of Qin sent the Shuchang Guo to attack Wei at Shaoliang and captured Wei's crown prince and the general Cuo. Wei defeated Zhao at Hui and took Pilao. Marquis Cheng met Marquis Zhao of Han at Shangdang. In the fourteenth year, Zhao and Han attacked Qin. In the fifteenth year, Zhao aided Wei in attacking Qi.

In the sixteenth year, Zhao, Han, and Wei partitioned Jin and confined the Jin lord to the fief of Duanshi.

Notes

1place

Handan (邯鄲), in modern Hebei province, became the Zhao capital around 386 BC and remained so until the state's destruction by Qin in 228 BC. It was one of the great metropolises of the Warring States period.

2context

The final extinction of the Jin state in 376 BC — when the three successor states divided its last remaining territory and confined the Jin lord to the tiny fief of Duanshi (端氏, in modern Qinshui County, Shanxi) — formalized the partition that had been a reality since 453 BC.

3context

This section compresses decades of rapid, shifting warfare into an annalistic chronicle. The dizzying succession of campaigns — allies one year, enemies the next — characterizes the early Warring States period before the great power blocs solidified. Zhao's strategic position required simultaneous engagement with Qi to the east, Wei to the south, Qin to the west, and Zhongshan in its interior.

4context

The division of the Zhou royal domain into two parts (分周以為兩, 367 BC) reduced the Son of Heaven to a puppet. The Zhou court was split into 'East Zhou' and 'West Zhou,' both powerless micro-states.

成侯晚年至肅侯

The Later Reign of Marquis Cheng and the Rise of Marquis Su

十七年,成侯與魏惠王遇葛孽。十九年,與齊、宋會平陸,與燕會阿。二十年,魏獻榮椽,因以為檀台。二十一年,魏圍我邯鄲。二十二年,魏惠王拔我邯鄲,齊亦敗魏於桂陵。二十四年,魏歸我邯鄲,與魏盟漳水上。秦攻我藺。二十五年,成侯卒。公子緤與太子肅侯爭立,緤敗,亡奔韓。

肅侯元年,奪晉君端氏,徙處屯留。二年,與魏惠王遇於陰晉。三年,公子范襲邯鄲,不勝而死。四年,朝天子。六年,攻齊,拔高唐。七年,公子刻攻魏首垣。十一年,秦孝公使商君伐魏,虜其將公子卬。趙伐魏。十二年,秦孝公卒,商君死。十五年,起壽陵。魏惠王卒。

十六年,肅侯游大陵,出於鹿門,大戊午扣馬曰:"耕事方急,一日不作,百日不食。"肅侯下車謝。

十七年,圍魏黃,不克。築長城。

In the seventeenth year, Marquis Cheng met King Hui of Wei at Genie. In the nineteenth year, Zhao met with Qi and Song at Pinglu, and with Yan at A. In the twentieth year, Wei presented the Rong Terrace timbers, and Zhao used them to build the Tan Terrace. In the twenty-first year, Wei besieged Handan. In the twenty-second year, King Hui of Wei captured Handan. In that same year, Qi defeated Wei at Guiling. In the twenty-fourth year, Wei returned Handan and concluded a treaty with Zhao on the banks of the Zhang River. Qin attacked Lin. In the twenty-fifth year, Marquis Cheng died. Prince Xie contested the succession with the crown prince, the future Marquis Su. Xie was defeated and fled to Han.

In the first year of Marquis Su, he seized Duanshi from the Jin lord and relocated him to Tunliu. In the second year, he met King Hui of Wei at Yinjin. In the third year, Prince Fan raided Handan but failed and was killed. In the fourth year, Marquis Su paid court to the Son of Heaven. In the sixth year, Zhao attacked Qi and captured Gaotang. In the seventh year, Prince Ke attacked Wei's Shouguan. In the eleventh year, Duke Xiao of Qin sent Shang Yang to attack Wei, capturing the Wei general Prince Ang. Zhao also attacked Wei. In the twelfth year, Duke Xiao of Qin died and Shang Yang was executed. In the fifteenth year, construction of the Shouling tomb complex began. King Hui of Wei died.

In the sixteenth year, Marquis Su toured Daling. As he was leaving through the Deer Gate, the minister Taiwu Wu seized his horse's bridle and said: "The plowing season is at its height. One day without work means a hundred days without food." Marquis Su stepped down from his chariot and thanked him.

In the seventeenth year, Zhao besieged Wei's Huang but could not take it. Zhao built a long wall.

Notes

1context

The siege and capture of Handan by Wei in 354 BC and Qi's counter-victory at Guiling (桂陵之戰) are among the most famous campaigns of the Warring States period. Qi's general Sun Bin employed the strategy of 'besieging Wei to rescue Zhao' (圍魏救趙), which became one of the Thirty-Six Stratagems. Wei's return of Handan two years later was a consequence of this defeat.

2person商鞅Shāng Yāng

Shang Yang (商鞅, d. 338 BC) was the Legalist reformer who transformed Qin into the most powerful Warring States kingdom. His capture of the Wei prince Ang in 340 BC was a key moment in Qin's rise.

3person大戊午Dà Wùwǔ

Taiwu Wu (大戊午) appears both here and earlier as chancellor under Marquis Cheng (section 15). His blunt remonstrance about the plowing season — stopping the lord's horse mid-procession — echoes the Zhao family's tradition of valuing forthright counsel.

4person趙肅侯Zhào Sù Hóu

Marquis Su of Zhao (趙肅侯, r. 349–326 BC) consolidated Zhao's position as a major power. His long wall construction was part of the defensive infrastructure against Qin and northern nomads.

武靈王即位與早年

King Wuling's Accession and Early Reign

二十四年,肅侯卒。秦、楚、燕、齊、魏出銳師各萬人來會葬。子武靈王立。

武靈王元年,陽文君趙豹相。梁襄王與太子嗣,韓宣王與太子倉來朝信宮。武靈王少,未能聽政,博聞師三人,左右司過三人。及聽政,先問先王貴臣肥義,加其秩;國三老年八十,月致其禮。

三年,城鄗。四年,與韓會於區鼠。五年,娶韓女為夫人。

八年,韓擊秦,不勝而去。五國相王,趙獨否,曰:「無其實,敢處其名乎!」令國人謂已曰「君」。

九年,與韓、魏共擊秦,秦敗我,斬首八萬級。齊敗我觀澤。十年,秦取我中都及西陽。齊破燕。燕相子之為君,君反為臣。十一年,王召公子職於韓,立以為燕王,使樂池送之。十三年,秦拔我藺,虜將軍趙莊。楚、魏王來,過邯鄲。十四年,趙何攻魏。

In his twenty-fourth year, Marquis Su died. Qin, Chu, Yan, Qi, and Wei each dispatched elite forces of ten thousand men to attend the funeral. His son, King Wuling, was enthroned.

In the first year of King Wuling's reign, Lord Yangwen, Zhao Bao, served as chancellor. King Xiang of Wei arrived with his crown prince Si, and King Xuan of Han arrived with his crown prince Cang to hold court at the Xin Palace. King Wuling was still young and not yet able to manage affairs of state, so three widely learned tutors and three monitors of conduct were appointed to assist him. When he did begin to govern, his first act was to enquire after Fei Yi, his late father's most trusted minister, and to increase his stipend. He also decreed that the state's three elders, all men past eighty, should receive monthly gifts of respect.

In his third year, he fortified Hao. In his fourth year, he met with Han at Qushu. In his fifth year, he took a woman of Han as his consort.

In his eighth year, Han attacked Qin but failed and withdrew. Five states mutually recognised one another as kings, but Zhao alone refused, saying: "Without the substance, how dare we assume the title!" He ordered his subjects to address him simply as 'lord.'

In his ninth year, Zhao joined Han and Wei in attacking Qin, but Qin defeated them and took eighty thousand heads. Qi also defeated Zhao at Guanze. In his tenth year, Qin seized Zhongdu and Xiyang from Zhao. Qi crushed Yan; Yan's chancellor Zi Zhi had usurped the throne, and the actual ruler had been reduced to a subject. In his eleventh year, the king summoned Prince Zhi from Han and installed him as King of Yan, sending Yue Chi to escort him. In his thirteenth year, Qin captured Lin and took General Zhao Zhuang prisoner. The kings of Chu and Wei passed through Handan. In his fourteenth year, Zhao He attacked Wei.

Notes

1person趙武靈王Zhào Wǔlíng Wáng

King Wuling of Zhao (趙武靈王, r. 325–299 BC) is one of the most celebrated rulers of the Warring States era. His adoption of nomadic cavalry tactics (胡服騎射) transformed Zhao into a major military power.

2person肥義Féi Yì

Fei Yi (肥義) was a senior minister who had served the previous ruler. He would later become the key supporter of King Wuling's reforms and die defending the young King Huiwen.

3context

The 'Five States Mutually Recognise as Kings' (五國相王) incident of 318 BC saw Han, Zhao, Wei, Yan, and Zhongshan adopt the royal title 'wang' (王). King Wuling's refusal was a pointed statement that Zhao's power did not yet justify the title — and an implicit criticism of the other states' pretensions.

4context

The Yan succession crisis (c. 314 BC) saw Chancellor Zi Zhi (子之) seize the throne from King Kuai of Yan, plunging the state into chaos. Zhao's installation of Prince Zhi (later King Zhao of Yan) gave Zhao significant influence over Yan's politics.

武靈王夢惠後與秦昭王立

King Wuling's Dream, Lady Hui, and the Enthronement of King Zhao of Qin

十六年,秦惠王卒。王游大陵。他日,王夢見處女鼓琴而歌詩曰:「美人熒熒兮,顏若苕之榮。命乎命乎,曾無我嬴!」異日,王飲酒樂,數言所夢,想見其狀。吳廣聞之,因夫人而內其女娃嬴。孟姚也。孟姚甚有寵於王,是為惠後。

十七年,王出九門,為野台,以望齊、中山之境。

十八年,秦武王與孟說舉龍文赤鼎,絕臏而死。趙王使代相趙固迎公子稷於燕,送歸,立為秦王,是為昭王。

In his sixteenth year, King Hui of Qin died. The king toured Daling. On another occasion, he dreamt of a maiden playing the zither and singing: 'The beauty shimmers bright, her face like trumpet-creeper blossoms. O fate, O fate — you have nothing for us of the Ying!' Some days later, while drinking and making merry, the king spoke repeatedly of his dream, yearning to find the woman he had seen. Wu Guang heard of this and, through the queen consort, presented his daughter Wa Ying — also known as Meng Yao. Meng Yao became the king's great favourite and was given the title Lady Hui.

In his seventeenth year, the king went out through the Nine Gates and built a terrace in the open country to survey the borders of Qi and Zhongshan.

In his eighteenth year, King Wu of Qin attempted to lift the Dragon-Patterned Red Cauldron together with Meng Shuo, shattered his kneecap, and died. The King of Zhao dispatched Zhao Gu, chancellor of Dai, to fetch Prince Ji from Yan and escort him back to be enthroned as King of Qin — this was King Zhao of Qin.

Notes

1person孟姚/惠後Mèng Yáo / Huì Hòu

Meng Yao (孟姚), also called Wa Ying (娃嬴), became Lady Hui (惠後). Her Ying surname indicates possible Qin or Zhao royal lineage. Her son, Prince He, would later be installed as King Huiwen, and her death would destabilise the succession.

2person秦武王 / 秦昭王Qín Wǔ Wáng / Qín Zhāo Wáng

King Wu of Qin (秦武王, r. 310–307 BC) died in a weightlifting accident at the Zhou royal capital. Prince Ji (公子稷), who had been a hostage in Yan, was installed with Zhao's assistance as King Zhao of Qin (秦昭王, r. 306–251 BC) — the ruler who would oversee Qin's decisive victories over the eastern states.

3context

Zhao's role in installing King Zhao of Qin was an extraordinary act of power projection. By brokering the Qin succession, King Wuling hoped to gain a compliant ally on his western border — a calculation that would spectacularly backfire within a generation.

胡服騎射

Adopting Nomad Dress and Mounted Archery

十九年春正月,大朝信宮。召肥義與議天下,五日而畢。王北略中山之地,至於房子,遂之代,北至無窮,西至河,登黃華之上。召樓緩謀曰:「我先王因世之變,以長南籓之地,屬阻漳、滏之險,立長城,又取藺、郭狼,敗林人於荏,而功未遂。今中山在我腹心,北有燕,東有胡,西有林胡、樓煩、秦、韓之邊,而無彊兵之救,是亡社稷,柰何?夫有高世之名,必有遺俗之累。吾欲胡服。」樓緩曰:「善。」群臣皆不欲。

於是肥義侍,王曰:「簡、襄主之烈,計胡、翟之利。為人臣者,寵有孝弟長幼順明之節,通有補民益主之業,此兩者臣之分也。今吾欲繼襄主之跡,開於胡、翟之鄉,而卒世不見也。為敵弱,用力少而功多,可以毋盡百姓之勞,而序往古之勛。夫有高世之功者,負遺俗之累;有獨智之慮者,任驁民之怨。今吾將胡服騎射以教百姓,而世必議寡人,柰何?」肥義曰:「臣聞疑事無功,疑行無名。王既定負遺俗之慮,殆無顧天下之議矣。夫論至德者不和於俗,成大功者不謀於眾。昔者舜舞有苗,禹袒裸國,非以養欲而樂志也,務以論德而約功也。愚者闇成事,智者睹未形,則王何疑焉。」王曰:「吾不疑胡服也,吾恐天下笑我也。狂夫之樂,智者哀焉;愚者所笑,賢者察焉。世有順我者,胡服之功未可知也。雖驅世以笑我,胡地中山吾必有之。」於是遂胡服矣。

In the spring of his nineteenth year, first month, the king held a grand audience at the Xin Palace. He summoned Fei Yi to discuss the state of the realm, and their deliberations lasted five days. The king then surveyed the territory of Zhongshan to the north, reaching Fangzi, then proceeded to Dai. He traveled north to the farthest frontier, west to the Yellow River, and climbed the heights of Huanghua. He summoned Lou Huan and laid out his thinking:

"Our former kings adapted to the changes of their times, extending our territory southward and relying on the natural barriers of the Zhang and Fu rivers to establish the Long Wall. They also seized Lin and Guolang and defeated the Lin people at Ren — yet the task remains incomplete. Now Zhongshan sits in our heartland, Yan lies to our north, the Hu to our east, and the Linhu, Loufan, Qin, and Han on our western border. We have no strong army to call upon for rescue — at this rate we will lose the state. What is to be done? Anyone who would achieve a name that surpasses his age must bear the burden of defying convention. I propose to adopt nomad dress."

Lou Huan said: "Excellent." But every other minister opposed it.

Fei Yi was in attendance, and the king said to him: "I wish to carry on the great work of Lords Jian and Xiang and exploit our advantage over the Hu and Di peoples. A minister's duty is twofold: in private life, to observe the virtues of filial piety and fraternal deference; in public life, to benefit the people and serve the ruler. I intend to continue Lord Xiang's legacy and open up the lands of the Hu and Di — yet I shall die without seeing it accomplished. The enemy is weak; with little effort, great results can be achieved. We can accomplish this without exhausting the people, and so rank among the achievements of antiquity. But whoever attempts deeds that surpass his age must bear the resentment of those bound by convention; whoever conceives plans of singular insight must endure the anger of the obstinate. Now I intend to teach the people nomad dress and mounted archery, and the whole world will surely criticise me. What should I do?"

Fei Yi replied: "I have heard that hesitation in action yields no achievement, and indecision in conduct wins no reputation. Since Your Majesty has already resolved to bear the burden of defying convention, you should pay no heed to the world's criticism. Those who discourse on the highest virtue do not conform to common custom; those who accomplish the greatest deeds do not consult the multitude. In ancient times, Shun danced before the Miao people, and Yu bared himself before the naked tribes — not to indulge desire or please themselves, but to advance virtue and consolidate their achievements. The foolish cannot see what has already been accomplished; the wise perceive what has not yet taken shape. Why should Your Majesty hesitate?"

The king said: "I have no doubts about nomad dress itself — I only fear the world will laugh at me. What delights the madman makes the wise man grieve; what the fool mocks, the worthy man examines. Even if the entire world laughs at me, I shall certainly possess the Hu lands and Zhongshan." And so he adopted nomad dress.

Notes

1context

The Hufu Qishe (胡服騎射, 'adopting nomad dress and mounted archery') reform of 307 BC is one of the most famous episodes in Chinese military history. King Wuling replaced the traditional Chinese chariot-based army with cavalry modeled on the nomadic horsemen of the northern steppe. Soldiers wore trousers and short tunics instead of flowing Chinese robes, and fought from horseback with bows rather than from chariots. This was a revolutionary departure from both military and cultural norms.

2person樓緩Lóu Huǎn

Lou Huan (樓緩) was one of King Wuling's key advisors and the first to support the reform. He would later serve as Zhao's envoy to Qin.

3place

Zhongshan (中山) was a non-Zhou state in the heart of Zhao territory (roughly modern Dingzhou and Lingshou, Hebei). Its location splitting Zhao's territory was a perpetual strategic threat. The Linhu (林胡) and Loufan (樓煩) were nomadic peoples on Zhao's northern and western frontiers.

4context

The references to Shun dancing before the Miao and Yu baring himself before the 'naked tribes' are traditional exempla of sage-kings who adapted their customs to local conditions — precisely the argument Fei Yi marshals to justify abandoning Chinese dress for nomadic garb.

說服公子成與朝臣

Persuading Prince Cheng and the Court

使王緤告公子成曰:「寡人胡服,將以朝也,亦欲叔服之。家聽於親而國聽於君,古今之公行也。子不反親,臣不逆君,兄弟之通義也。今寡人作教易服而叔不服,吾恐天下議之也。制國有常,利民為本;從政有經,令行為上。明德先論於賤,而行政先信於貴。今胡服之意,非以養欲而樂志也;事有所止而功有所出,事成功立,然後善也。今寡人恐叔之逆從政之經,以輔叔之議。且寡人聞之,事利國者行無邪,因貴戚者名不累,故原慕公叔之義,以成胡服之功。使緤謁之叔,請服焉。」公子成再拜稽首曰:「臣固聞王之胡服也。臣不佞,寢疾,未能趨走以滋進也。王命之,臣敢對,因竭其愚忠。曰:臣聞中國者,蓋聰明徇智之所居也,萬物財用之所聚也,賢聖之所教也,仁義之所施也,詩書禮樂之所用也,異敏技能之所試也,遠方之所觀赴也,蠻夷之所義行也。今王舍此而襲遠方之服,變古之教,易古人道,逆人之心,而怫學者,離中國,故臣原王圖之也。」使者以報。王曰:「吾固聞叔之疾也,我將自往請之。」

王遂往之公子成家,因自請之,曰:「夫服者,所以便用也;禮者,所以便事也。聖人觀鄉而順宜,因事而制禮,所以利其民而厚其國也。夫翦發文身,錯臂左衽,甌越之民也。黑齒雕題,卻冠秫絀,大吳之國也。故禮服莫同,其便一也。鄉異而用變,事異而禮易。是以聖人果可以利其國,不一其用;果可以便其事,不同其禮。儒者一師而俗異,中國同禮而教離,況於山谷之便乎?故去就之變,智者不能一;遠近之服,賢聖不能同。窮鄉多異,曲學多辯。不知而不疑,異於己而不非者,公焉而眾求盡善也。今叔之所言者俗也,吾所言者所以制俗也。吾國東有河、薄洛之水,與齊、中山同之,東有燕、東胡之境,而西有樓煩、秦、韓之邊,今無騎射之備。故寡人無舟楫之用,夾水居之民,將何以守河、薄洛之水;變服騎射,以備燕、三胡、秦、韓之邊。且昔者簡主不塞晉陽以及上黨,而襄主並戎取代以攘諸胡,此愚智所明也。先時中山負齊之彊兵,侵暴吾地,繫纍吾民,引水圍鄗,微社稷之神靈,則鄗幾於不守也。先王醜之,而怨未能報也。今騎射之備,近可以便上黨之形,而遠可以報中山之怨。而叔順中國之俗以逆簡、襄之意,惡變服之名以忘鄗事之醜,非寡人之所望也。」公字成再拜稽首曰:「臣愚,不達於王之義,敢道世俗之聞,臣之罪也。今王將繼簡、襄之意以順先王之志,臣敢不聽命乎!」再拜稽首。乃賜胡服。明日,服而朝。於是始出胡服令也。

The king sent Wang Xie to inform Prince Cheng: "I have adopted nomad dress and intend to wear it at court. I also wish my uncle to wear it. In the family one defers to one's elders; in the state one defers to the ruler — this has been the universal practice from ancient times to the present. A son does not oppose his parents; a minister does not defy his lord — this is the common duty between brothers. Now I have instituted a new mode of dress, and if my uncle refuses to comply, I fear the world will criticise us. The principle of governing a state is constant: benefiting the people is the foundation. The principle of administration is constant: the execution of commands is paramount. I hope my uncle will consider this and comply."

Prince Cheng prostrated himself twice and replied: "I have indeed heard of Your Majesty's nomad dress. I am untalented and have been lying ill, unable to hasten to court. Since Your Majesty commands me to respond, I will exhaust my humble loyalty. I have heard that the Central States are where the enlightened and wise reside, where all goods and resources are gathered, where sages teach, where benevolence and righteousness are practiced, where the Odes, Documents, Rites, and Music are employed, where rare skills are tested, where distant peoples come to observe, and where the barbarians learn righteous conduct. Now Your Majesty would abandon all this and imitate the clothing of distant peoples, altering the ancient teachings and reversing the ancient Way, defying the hearts of men and offending scholars. I beg Your Majesty to reconsider."

When the envoy reported this, the king said: "I already knew of my uncle's illness. I shall go in person to persuade him."

The king went to Prince Cheng's residence and argued his case personally: "Clothing exists for convenience of use; ritual exists for convenience of affairs. The sage observes local conditions and adapts to what is suitable, shaping ritual according to circumstances — thereby benefiting the people and enriching the state. Cropping hair and tattooing the body, decorating arms and wearing the left lapel — these are the customs of the Ou-Yue people. Blackening teeth, scarring foreheads, wearing reversed caps and rough garments — these are the customs of Great Wu. Their rites and dress are nowhere the same, but the principle of convenience is one. When the locale differs, usage changes; when affairs differ, ritual adapts. If the sage can thereby benefit his state, he does not insist on uniformity of practice; if he can thereby serve his purposes, he does not demand uniformity of ritual.

"What my uncle speaks of is convention. What I speak of is how to master convention. Our state has the Yellow River and the Boluo waters to the east, shared with Qi and Zhongshan. To the northeast lie Yan and the Eastern Hu. To the west lie the Loufan, Qin, and Han borders. Without cavalry and archery, we are defenseless. Lord Jian held Jinyang and extended to Shangdang; Lord Xiang absorbed the Rong and seized Dai to drive back the Hu — this is plain to anyone of sense. Formerly, Zhongshan relied on Qi's strong army to invade our territory, enslave our people, and divert water to besiege Hao. Were it not for the divine protection of the altars of soil and grain, Hao would have nearly fallen. My late father was shamed by this and grieved that the insult went unavenged. Now with cavalry and archery, we can secure the terrain of Shangdang at hand and avenge the humiliation of Zhongshan at a distance. That my uncle would follow Central States convention to defy the intentions of Lords Jian and Xiang, and shrink from the name of changing dress while forgetting the shame of Hao — this is not what I had hoped."

Prince Cheng prostrated himself twice and said: "I was foolish and did not understand Your Majesty's reasoning. I presumed to mouth the platitudes of convention — that was my error. Now that Your Majesty will carry forward the intentions of Lords Jian and Xiang to fulfill our late king's ambitions, how dare I not obey!" He prostrated himself twice more. The king bestowed nomad garments on him. The next day, Prince Cheng wore them to court. And so the edict of nomad dress was first promulgated.

Notes

1person公子成Gōngzǐ Chéng

Prince Cheng (公子成) was King Wuling's uncle and the most senior member of the royal clan. His compliance was essential — if the most prestigious conservative in the court accepted the reform, opposition would collapse. He would later play a decisive role in the succession crisis as the leader of the anti-Prince Zhang faction.

2context

King Wuling's argument is a landmark text in Chinese political philosophy. He deploys a form of cultural relativism — the Yue people tattoo themselves, the Wu people blacken their teeth, yet each custom serves its people — to argue that 'Chinese' dress has no intrinsic superiority. The purpose of clothing and ritual is functional convenience, not adherence to tradition for its own sake.

3context

The 'left lapel' (左衽) was the hallmark of non-Chinese dress. Chinese robes wrapped right over left; barbarian garments did the opposite. Confucius himself had said that without Guan Zhong, 'we would all be wearing our hair loose and lapping our robes to the left' (Analerta XIV.17) — making King Wuling's reform a deliberate provocation of Confucian sensibilities.

4place

Hao (鄗) was a major Zhao city in modern Gaoyi County (高邑縣), Hebei. Zhongshan's near-capture of Hao by diverting water to flood it was a traumatic event in Zhao's memory and a key justification for the military reform.

武靈王駁斥群臣反對

King Wuling Overrules the Remaining Opposition

趙文、趙造、周袑、趙俊皆諫止王毋胡服,如故法便。王曰:「先王不同俗,何古之法?帝王不相襲,何禮之循?虙戲、神農教而不誅,黃帝、堯、舜誅而不怒。及至三王,隨時製法,因事制禮。法度制令各順其宜,衣服器械各便其用。故禮也不必一道,而便國不必古。聖人之興也不相襲而王,夏、殷之衰也不易禮而滅。然則反古未可非,而循禮未足多也。且服奇者志淫,則是鄒、魯無奇行也;俗辟者民易,則是吳、越無秀士也。且聖人利身謂之服,便事謂之禮。夫進退之節,衣服之制者,所以齊常民也,非所以論賢者也。故齊民與俗流,賢者與變俱。故諺曰『以書御者不盡馬之情,以古制今者不達事之變。』循法之功,不足以高世;法古之學,不足以制今。子不及也。」遂胡服招騎射。

二十年,王略中山地,至寧葭;西略胡地,至榆中。林胡王獻馬。歸,使樓緩之秦,仇液之韓,王賁之楚,富丁之魏,趙爵之齊。代相趙固主胡,致其兵。

Zhao Wen, Zhao Zao, Zhou Shao, and Zhao Jun all remonstrated with the king, urging him not to adopt nomad dress and to follow the old ways. The king replied:

"The former kings did not share the same customs — which 'ancient ways' should we follow? Emperors and kings did not copy one another — which rites should we observe? Fu Xi and Shen Nong taught without punishing; the Yellow Emperor, Yao, and Shun punished without anger. When it came to the Three Kings, they made laws to suit their times and fashioned rites to match their circumstances. Statutes, regulations, and commands each conformed to what was appropriate; clothing and implements each served their function. Therefore ritual need not follow a single path, and what benefits the state need not be ancient. When sages arose, they did not copy their predecessors yet became kings; when the Xia and Shang declined, they did not change their rites yet perished. Thus rejecting the ancient cannot be condemned, and adhering to ritual is nothing to boast of.

"If you say that exotic dress leads to licentious intent, then Zou and Lu must have no unorthodox conduct. If you say that deviant customs corrupt the people, then Wu and Yue must have no outstanding men. The sage calls 'clothing' whatever benefits the body and 'ritual' whatever facilitates affairs. Rules of deportment and regulations on dress are meant to discipline common folk — they are not the standard by which to evaluate the worthy. Common folk drift with convention; the worthy move with the times. As the proverb says: 'He who drives by the book does not know the horse's nature; he who governs today by ancient rules does not grasp the changes of affairs.' The achievements of those who merely follow established law are insufficient to surpass their age; the learning of those who merely imitate antiquity is insufficient to govern the present. You have not grasped this."

And so he adopted nomad dress and recruited mounted archers.

In his twentieth year, the king surveyed Zhongshan's territory, reaching Ningjia; westward he surveyed the Hu lands, reaching Yuzhong. The king of the Linhu presented horses as tribute. On his return, the king dispatched Lou Huan to Qin, Chou Ye to Han, Wang Ben to Chu, Fu Ding to Wei, and Zhao Jue to Qi. Zhao Gu, chancellor of Dai, was placed in charge of the Hu territories and mobilised their troops.

Notes

1context

King Wuling's final argument is a masterpiece of pragmatic political philosophy. He systematically dismantles the conservative appeal to antiquity: the legendary sage-kings themselves disagreed on methods; dynasties that clung to old rites perished; and the logical corollary of the conservatives' position — that exotic dress corrupts morals — is demonstrably false (Zou and Lu, homelands of Confucius and Mencius, were hardly free of misconduct).

2place

Yuzhong (榆中) was far to the west in modern Gansu province, near present-day Lanzhou. That King Wuling's survey reached this far west — deep in the Ordos Loop — indicates Zhao's newly expanded frontier after the cavalry reform.

3context

The dispatch of envoys to all five major states simultaneously demonstrates King Wuling's confidence after the reform. Zhao was now strong enough to conduct diplomacy with every great power at once.

滅中山與傳國

Conquest of Zhongshan and Abdication

二十一年,攻中山。趙袑為右軍,許鈞為左軍,公子章為中軍,王並將之。牛翦將車騎,趙希並將胡、代。趙與之陘,合軍曲陽,攻取丹丘、華陽、鴟之塞。王軍取鄗、石邑、封龍、東垣。中山獻四邑和,王許之,罷兵。二十三年,攻中山。二十五年,惠後卒。使周袑胡服傅王子何。二十六年,復攻中山,攘地北至燕、代,西至雲中、九原。

二十七年五月戊申,大朝於東宮,傳國,立王子何以為王。王廟見禮畢,出臨朝。大夫悉為臣,肥義為相國,並傅王。是為惠文王。惠文王,惠後吳娃子也。武靈王自號為主父。

主父欲令子主治國,而身胡服將士大夫西北略胡地,而欲從雲中、九原直南襲秦,於是詐自為使者入秦。秦昭王不知,已而怪其狀甚偉,非人臣之度,使人逐之,而主父馳已脫關矣。審問之,乃主父也。秦人大驚。主父所以入秦者,欲自略地形,因觀秦王之為人也。

In his twenty-first year, the king attacked Zhongshan. Zhao Shao commanded the right army, Xu Jun the left, and Prince Zhang the center, with the king commanding all three divisions. Niu Jian led the chariots and cavalry, while Zhao Xi jointly commanded the Hu and Dai troops. They entered through Xing, concentrated at Quyang, and captured Danqiu, Huayang, and the pass of Chi. The king's own forces seized Hao, Shiyi, Fenglong, and Dongyuan. Zhongshan ceded four towns to sue for peace, and the king accepted, withdrawing his troops. In his twenty-third year, he attacked Zhongshan again. In his twenty-fifth year, Lady Hui died. He appointed Zhou Shao, wearing nomad dress, to tutor Prince He. In his twenty-sixth year, he attacked Zhongshan once more, extending Zhao territory north to the borders of Yan and Dai, and west to Yunzhong and Jiuyuan.

On the wushen day of the fifth month of his twenty-seventh year, the king held a grand audience at the Eastern Palace and transferred sovereign power, installing Prince He as king. After the new king completed the ancestral temple ceremony, he came out to hold court. All the grandees became his ministers; Fei Yi was made chancellor and concurrent tutor to the king. This was King Huiwen. King Huiwen was the son of Lady Hui, Wu Wa. King Wuling assumed the title 'Lord Father.'

The Lord Father intended for his son to govern the state while he himself, wearing nomad dress, would lead the officers and grandees northwestward to campaign in the Hu lands. He planned to strike south directly from Yunzhong and Jiuyuan to attack Qin. To this end, he disguised himself as an envoy and entered Qin. King Zhao of Qin did not recognise him, but eventually grew suspicious — the visitor's bearing was too imposing to be that of a mere minister — and sent men to pursue him. But the Lord Father galloped away and escaped through the pass. When they investigated and learned it was the Lord Father himself, the Qin court was greatly alarmed. The Lord Father had entered Qin in order to personally survey the terrain and observe the character of the Qin king.

Notes

1context

The conquest of Zhongshan (滅中山, completed 296 BC) removed the state that had split Zhao's territory for over a century. It was the crowning achievement of the Hufu reform — only cavalry forces could have overcome Zhongshan's mountainous terrain.

2place

Yunzhong (雲中, near modern Hohhot, Inner Mongolia) and Jiuyuan (九原, near modern Baotou, Inner Mongolia) were frontier commanderies established by Zhao after the cavalry reforms. They represented an enormous northward expansion into the Ordos Loop.

3context

King Wuling's abdication (299 BC) in favour of his young son was unprecedented. His plan was audacious: by transferring the burdens of domestic governance to his son, he would free himself to lead armies personally — potentially attacking Qin through the undefended Ordos corridor. His covert reconnaissance of Qin shows this was no idle fantasy.

4person趙惠文王Zhào Huìwén Wáng

King Huiwen of Zhao (趙惠文王, r. 299–266 BC) was still a child when enthroned. His reign saw Zhao reach its zenith as a military power, with generals like Lian Po and Zhao She winning major victories.

沙丘之變與武靈王之死

The Sandhill Incident and the Death of King Wuling

惠文王二年,主父行新地,遂出代,西遇樓煩王於西河而致其兵。

三年,滅中山,遷其王於膚施。起靈壽,北地方從,代道大通。還歸,行賞,大赦,置酒酺五日,封長子章為代安陽君。章素侈,心不服其弟所立。主父又使田不禮相章也。

李兌謂肥義曰:「公子章彊壯而志驕,黨眾而欲大,殆有私乎?田不禮之為人也,忍殺而驕。二人相得,必有謀陰賊起,一出身徼幸。夫小人有欲,輕慮淺謀,徒見其利而不顧其害,同類相推,俱入禍門。以吾觀之,必不久矣。子任重而勢大,亂之所始,禍之所集也,子必先患。仁者愛萬物而智者備禍於未形,不仁不智,何以為國?子奚不稱疾毋出,傳政於公子成?毋為怨府,毋為禍梯。」肥義曰:「不可,昔者主父以王屬義也,曰:『毋變而度,毋異而慮,堅守一心,以歿而世。』義再拜受命而籍之。今畏不禮之難而忘吾籍,變孰大焉。進受嚴命,退而不全,負孰甚焉。變負之臣,不容於刑。諺曰『死者復生,生者不愧。』吾言已在前矣,吾欲全吾言,安得全吾身!且夫貞臣也難至而節見,忠臣也累至而行明。子則有賜而忠我矣,雖然,吾有語在前者也,終不敢失。」李兌曰:「諾,子勉之矣!吾見子已今年耳。」涕泣而出。李兌數見公子成,以備田不禮之事。

異日肥義謂信期曰:「公子與田不禮甚可憂也。其於義也聲善而實惡,此為人也不子不臣。吾聞之也,奸臣在朝,國之殘也;讒臣在中,主之蠹也。此人貪而欲大,內得主而外為暴。矯令為慢,以擅一旦之命,不難為也,禍且逮國。今吾憂之,夜而忘寐,飢而忘食。盜賊出入不可不備。自今以來,若有召王者必見吾面,我將先以身當之,無故而王乃入。」信期曰:「善哉,吾得聞此也!」

四年,朝群臣,安陽君亦來朝。主父令王聽朝,而自從旁觀窺群臣宗室之禮。見其長子章劚然也,反北面為臣,詘於其弟,心憐之,於是乃欲分趙而王章於代,計未決而輟。

主父及王游沙丘,異宮,公子章即以其徒與田不禮作亂,詐以主父令召王。肥義先入,殺之。高信即與王戰。公子成與李兌自國至,乃起四邑之兵入距難,殺公子章及田不禮,滅其黨賊而定王室。公子成為相,號安平君,李兌為司寇。公子章之敗,往走主父,主主開之,成、兌因圍主父宮。公子章死,公子成、李兌謀曰:「以章故圍主父,即解兵,吾屬夷矣。」乃遂圍主父。令宮中人「後出者夷」,宮中人悉出。主父欲出不得,又不得食,探爵鷇而食之,三月餘而餓死沙丘宮。主父定死,乃發喪赴諸侯。

是時王少,成、兌專政,畏誅,故圍主父。主父初以長子章為太子,後得吳娃,愛之,為不出者數歲,生子何,乃廢太子章而立何為王。吳娃死,愛弛,憐故太子,欲兩王之,猶豫未決,故亂起,以至父子俱死,為天下笑,豈不痛乎!

In the second year of King Huiwen, the Lord Father toured the newly acquired territories, proceeding from Dai westward to meet the King of the Loufan at the West River, where he took command of their troops.

In the third year, Zhao completed the conquest of Zhongshan, relocating its king to Fushi. The city of Lingshou was rebuilt, the northern territories submitted, and the road through Dai was fully opened. On his return, the Lord Father distributed rewards, declared a general amnesty, and held a five-day public feast. He enfeoffed his eldest son Zhang as Lord Anyang of Dai. Zhang had always been extravagant and harboured resentment that his younger brother had been placed on the throne. The Lord Father then appointed Tian Buli as chancellor to Zhang.

Li Dui said to Fei Yi: "Prince Zhang is strong and ambitious, his followers are numerous and his desires are great — surely he harbours private designs? Tian Buli is the kind of man who kills without compunction and is arrogant besides. When these two combine, they will certainly hatch a conspiracy, gambling everything on a single throw. Petty men driven by desire think lightly and plan shallowly; they see only the profit and never consider the harm. Like attracts like, and together they will walk through the gate of disaster. In my judgment, it will not be long now. You bear heavy responsibilities and wield great power — you are where the rebellion will begin and where catastrophe will converge. You will be the first to suffer. The benevolent man cares for all living things, and the wise man guards against disaster before it takes shape. Without benevolence or wisdom, how can one govern a state? Why not plead illness and withdraw, transferring authority to Prince Cheng? Do not become a storehouse of resentment; do not serve as a ladder to catastrophe."

Fei Yi replied: "I cannot. When the Lord Father entrusted the king to me, he said: 'Do not change your principles; do not waver in your judgment. Hold fast to a single purpose until you die.' I prostrated myself twice, accepted the charge, and recorded it. If I now abandon my record out of fear of Tian Buli's threat, what greater betrayal could there be? To accept a solemn command and then fail to carry it through — what greater faithlessness could there be? A minister who betrays and breaks faith deserves no mercy from the law. The proverb says: 'If the dead could live again, the living would have nothing to be ashamed of.' My word was given long ago. I wish to honor my word — how can I also save my life? The integrity of a steadfast minister is revealed when crisis comes; the virtue of a loyal minister becomes clear when accusations pile up. You have done me a kindness by your loyalty, and I am grateful. But I have a pledge already given, and I will never dare break it."

Li Dui said: "Very well. Do your best. I shall not see you again after this year." He wept and departed. Li Dui then met frequently with Prince Cheng to prepare for trouble from Tian Buli.

On another day, Fei Yi said to Xin Qi: "Prince Zhang and Tian Buli are deeply worrying. They profess virtue but practice evil; they are the kind of men who are neither proper sons nor proper subjects. I have heard that when a treacherous minister is at court, the state is ruined; when a slanderous minister is in the inner circle, the ruler is consumed. These men are greedy and ambitious. If they win the ruler's support internally and act violently externally, they can easily falsify orders and seize command for a day — and disaster will engulf the state. I am so worried that at night I forget to sleep and when hungry I forget to eat. We must guard against any intrusion by these bandits. From now on, if anyone summons the king, he must first see my face. I will go ahead and put my body in the way. Only after I vouch for safety may the king enter."

Xin Qi said: "It is well that I have heard this."

In the fourth year, the court assembled and Lord Anyang also came to pay his respects. The Lord Father ordered the king to hold the audience while he himself observed from the side, watching the deportment of the ministers and royal clan. He saw his eldest son Zhang standing rigid and humiliated, facing north as a subject, bowing before his younger brother. His heart was moved to pity, and he began to consider dividing Zhao and making Zhang king of Dai. But he could not resolve the matter and set it aside.

The Lord Father and the king traveled to Sandhill, lodging in separate palaces. Prince Zhang immediately rallied his followers and Tian Buli launched a rebellion, using a forged order from the Lord Father to summon the king. Fei Yi went in first and was killed. Gao Xin then fought against the king's forces. Prince Cheng and Li Dui arrived from the capital, raised troops from four towns, and entered to quell the rebellion. They killed Prince Zhang and Tian Buli, destroyed their faction, and secured the royal house. Prince Cheng was made chancellor with the title Lord Anping; Li Dui was made minister of justice.

When Prince Zhang's rebellion failed, he fled to the Lord Father's palace, and the Lord Father opened the doors to him. Prince Cheng and Li Dui therefore besieged the Lord Father's palace. After Prince Zhang was killed, Prince Cheng and Li Dui deliberated: "We besieged the Lord Father on account of Zhang. If we now lift the siege, we will be executed." And so they continued the siege. They proclaimed that any palace attendant who came out last would be put to death — all the attendants fled. The Lord Father tried to leave but could not. He could not obtain food, and resorted to raiding sparrows' nests for fledglings to eat. After more than three months, the Lord Father starved to death in the palace at Sandhill. Only when his death was confirmed was the mourning announced and the funeral notice sent to the other states.

At that time the king was young, and Prince Cheng and Li Dui controlled the government. They feared execution and therefore besieged the Lord Father. The Lord Father had originally made his eldest son Zhang crown prince, but later obtained Wu Wa and loved her so deeply that he stayed secluded with her for years without appearing in public. She bore him a son, He, and so he deposed Crown Prince Zhang and installed He as king. After Wu Wa died, his affection faded, and he pitied his former crown prince. He wanted to make both of them kings but hesitated and could not decide. Therefore the rebellion arose, ending with father and son both dead — to the mockery of the world. Is this not a tragedy?

Notes

1person李兌Lǐ Duì

Li Dui (李兌) was one of the shrewdest politicians in Zhao. His warning to Fei Yi — and Fei Yi's noble refusal to abandon his post — is one of the most celebrated dialogues on loyalty in the Shiji. Li Dui's own survival was due to his pragmatic alignment with Prince Cheng.

2person田不禮Tián Bùlǐ

Tian Buli (田不禮) was appointed by the Lord Father as chancellor to Prince Zhang, a fateful decision that paired an ambitious prince with a ruthless advisor.

3place

Sandhill (沙丘) was a royal pleasure palace in modern Guangzong County (廣宗縣), Hebei. It was already infamous: the Shang tyrant Zhou Xin had built a debauched pleasure garden there, and Qin Shi Huang would later die at Sandhill in 210 BC.

4context

The Sandhill Incident (沙丘之變, 295 BC) is one of the most dramatic episodes in the Shiji. King Wuling — who had transformed Zhao into a military superpower, personally reconnoitered Qin in disguise, and conquered Zhongshan — starved to death in his own palace, trapped by the political consequences of his indecisive succession arrangements. Sima Qian's closing editorial comment ('father and son both dead, to the mockery of the world — is this not a tragedy?') underscores the bitter irony.

5context

Fei Yi's death fulfilling his duty is presented as a model of the loyal minister (忠臣). His dialogue with Li Dui contrasts two valid responses to impending crisis: Li Dui's pragmatic self-preservation and Fei Yi's principled self-sacrifice. Sima Qian clearly admires both men.

惠文王中期:合縱與伐齊

King Huiwen's Middle Reign: Alliances and Wars Against Qi

五年,與燕鄚、易。八年,城南行唐。九年,趙梁將,與齊合軍攻韓,至魯關下。及十年,秦自置為西帝。十一年,董叔與魏氏伐宋,得河陽於魏。秦取梗陽。十二年,趙梁將攻齊。十三年,韓徐為將,攻齊。公主死。十四年,相國樂毅將趙、秦、韓、魏、燕攻齊,取靈丘。與秦會中陽。十五年,燕昭王來見。趙與韓、魏、秦共擊齊,齊王敗走,燕獨深入,取臨菑。

十六年,秦復與趙數擊齊,齊人患之。蘇厲為齊遺趙王書曰:

臣聞古之賢君,其德行非布於海內也,教順非洽於民人也,祭祀時享非數常於鬼神也。甘露降,時雨至,年穀豐孰,民不疾疫,眾人善之,然而賢主圖之。

今足下之賢行功力,非數加於秦也;怨毒積怒,非素深於齊也。秦趙與國,以彊徵兵於韓,秦誠愛趙乎?其實憎齊乎?物之甚者,賢主察之。秦非愛趙而憎齊也,欲亡韓而吞二周,故以齊餤天下。恐事之不合,故出兵以劫魏、趙。恐天下畏己也,故出質以為信。恐天下亟反也,故徵兵於韓以威之。聲以德與國,實而伐空韓,臣以秦計為必出於此。夫物固有勢異而患同者,楚久伐而中山亡,今齊久伐而韓必亡。破齊,王與六國分其利也。亡韓,秦獨擅之。收二周,西取祭器,秦獨私之。賦田計功,王之獲利孰與秦多?

說士之計曰:「韓亡三川,魏亡晉國,市朝未變而禍已及矣。」燕盡齊之北地,去沙丘、鉅鹿斂三百里,韓之上黨去邯鄲百里,燕、秦謀王之河山,間三百里而通矣。秦之上郡近挺關,至於榆中者千五百里,秦以三郡攻王之上黨,羊腸之西,句注之南,非王有已。逾句注,斬常山而守之,三百里而通於燕,代馬胡犬不東下,崑山之玉不出,此三寶者亦非王有已。王久伐齊,從彊秦攻韓,其禍必至於此。原王孰慮之。

且齊之所以伐者,以事王也;天下屬行,以謀王也。燕秦之約成而兵出有日矣。五國三分王之地,齊倍五國之約而殉王之患,西兵以禁彊秦,秦廢帝請服,反巠分、先俞於趙。齊之事王,宜為上佼,而今乃抵罪,臣恐天下後事王者之不敢自必也。原王孰計之也。

今王毋與天下攻齊,天下必以王為義。齊抱社稷而厚事王,天下必盡重王義。王以天下善秦,秦暴,王以天下禁之,是一世之名寵制於王也。於是趙乃輟,謝秦不擊齊。

王與燕王遇。廉頗將,攻齊昔陽,取之。

In the fifth year, Zhao exchanged Mao and Yi with Yan. In the eighth year, Zhao fortified Nanxingtang. In the ninth year, Zhao Liang served as general and joined Qi's forces to attack Han, advancing as far as Luguan. In the tenth year, Qin proclaimed itself 'Western Emperor.' In the eleventh year, Dong Shu joined Wei to attack Song and obtained Heyang from Wei. Qin seized Gengyang. In the twelfth year, Zhao Liang led an attack on Qi. In the thirteenth year, Han Xu served as general and attacked Qi. A princess died. In the fourteenth year, Chancellor Yue Yi led the combined forces of Zhao, Qin, Han, Wei, and Yan against Qi, capturing Lingqiu. Zhao met with Qin at Zhongyang. In the fifteenth year, King Zhao of Yan came to visit. Zhao, together with Han, Wei, and Qin, jointly struck Qi. The King of Qi was defeated and fled. Yan alone pressed deep into Qi territory and captured Linzi.

In the sixteenth year, Qin continued to join Zhao in repeated attacks on Qi, and the Qi people grew alarmed. Su Li, writing on behalf of Qi, sent a letter to the King of Zhao:

"I have heard that the worthy rulers of antiquity did not spread their virtue throughout the realm, did not extend their moral instruction to all the people, and did not make constant and frequent offerings to the spirits. Yet sweet dew fell, timely rains came, harvests were abundant, and the people were free from plague. The common folk praised them, but the wise ruler looked deeper.

"Now Your Majesty's worthy conduct and achievements have not been repeatedly directed at Qin; your accumulated resentments are not inherently deep toward Qi. Qin allies with Zhao and uses its strength to conscript troops from Han — does Qin truly love Zhao? Does it truly hate Qi? When things reach an extreme, a wise ruler investigates. Qin does not love Zhao or hate Qi — it wants to destroy Han and swallow the two Zhous. It uses Qi as bait for the world. It deploys troops to coerce Wei and Zhao; it sends hostages to establish trust; it conscripts Han's soldiers to intimidate. It proclaims virtue and alliance while actually attacking a weakened Han. I believe Qin's strategy must follow this course.

"Things often differ in circumstance but share the same danger. When Chu was long at war, Zhongshan perished. Now Qi is long at war, and Han will certainly perish. If Qi is destroyed, Your Majesty shares the spoils with six states. If Han is destroyed, Qin monopolises the gain. If Qin takes the two Zhous and seizes the ritual vessels, Qin alone profits. When you calculate land and achievements, does Your Majesty gain more or does Qin?"

The letter went on to argue that if Zhao continued attacking Qi, Qin would use the distraction to seize Zhao's territories in Shangdang and the northern frontier — cutting off Zhao from its Dai horses, Hu dogs, and Kunshan jade. It concluded by pointing out that Qi had actually served Zhao's interests by opposing Qin's imperial title, yet was now being punished for it.

"If Your Majesty now refrains from joining the world in attacking Qi, the world will consider you righteous. Qi will devote itself to serving Your Majesty, and the world will respect your virtue. When the world is at peace with Qin, and Qin acts violently, Your Majesty can lead the world to restrain it — then the prestige and authority of an entire age will rest with Your Majesty."

And so Zhao desisted and declined Qin's request to attack Qi.

The king met with the King of Yan. Lian Po served as general and attacked Qi's Xiyang, capturing it.

Notes

1person樂毅Yuè Yì

Yue Yi (樂毅) was a brilliant strategist who led the five-state coalition that nearly destroyed Qi in 284 BC. He served as Yan's general but held Zhao's chancellorship, reflecting his cross-border connections.

2context

The near-destruction of Qi (284–279 BC) was the most dramatic upheaval of the mid-Warring States period. The five-state coalition, led by Yan, reduced Qi to just two cities. Su Li's letter to the King of Zhao is a masterful piece of strategic analysis: he correctly argues that the real beneficiary of Qi's destruction would be Qin, not Zhao.

3person廉頗Lián Pō

Lian Po (廉頗) was one of Zhao's greatest generals. His first appearance in the narrative here marks the beginning of a career that would span decades and include the crucial events of the Changping campaign.

4context

Su Li's letter is preserved in even greater detail in the Zhanguoce (Stratagems of the Warring States). The core argument — that Qin manipulates alliances to exhaust rival states while it quietly absorbs territory — would prove prophetic. Zhao's decision to stop attacking Qi was strategically sound but came too late to prevent Qi's near-total collapse.

惠文王後期:秦趙角力

King Huiwen's Late Reign: Zhao Versus Qin

十七年,樂毅將趙師攻魏伯陽。而秦怨趙不與己擊齊,伐趙,拔我兩城。十八年,秦拔我石城。王再之衛東陽,決河水,伐魏氏。大潦,漳水出。魏厓來相趙。十九年,秦取我二城。趙與魏伯陽。趙奢將,攻齊麥丘,取之。

二十年,廉頗將,攻齊。王與秦昭王遇西河外。

二十一年,趙徙漳水武平西。二十二年,大疫。置公子丹為太子。

二十三年,樓昌將,攻魏幾,不能取。十二月,廉頗將,攻幾,取之。二十四年,廉頗將,攻魏房子,拔之,因城而還。又攻安陽,取之。二十五年,燕周將,攻昌城、高唐,取之。與魏共擊秦。秦將白起破我華陽,得一將軍。二十六年,取東胡歐代地。

二十七年,徙漳水武平南。封趙豹為平陽君。河水出,大潦。

二十八年,藺相如伐齊,至平邑。罷城北九門大城。燕將成安君公孫操弒其王。二十九年,秦、韓相攻,而圍閼與。趙使趙奢將,擊秦,大破秦軍閼與下,賜號為馬服君。

三十三年,惠文王卒,太子丹立,是為孝成王。

In the seventeenth year, Yue Yi led Zhao's forces to attack Wei's Boyang. But Qin, resentful that Zhao had refused to join in attacking Qi, invaded Zhao and seized two cities. In the eighteenth year, Qin captured Zhao's Shicheng. The king traveled twice to Dongyang in Wei and breached the Yellow River dikes to attack Wei. There was a great flood, and the Zhang River overflowed. Wei Ran came to serve as chancellor of Zhao. In the nineteenth year, Qin took two more cities from Zhao. Zhao ceded Boyang to Wei. Zhao She served as general and attacked Qi's Maiqiu, capturing it.

In the twentieth year, Lian Po served as general and attacked Qi. The king met with King Zhao of Qin beyond the West River.

In the twenty-first year, Zhao diverted the Zhang River west of Wuping. In the twenty-second year, there was a great plague. Prince Dan was designated crown prince.

In the twenty-third year, Lou Chang served as general and attacked Wei's Ji but could not take it. In the twelfth month, Lian Po served as general, attacked Ji, and captured it. In the twenty-fourth year, Lian Po attacked Wei's Fangzi, captured it, fortified it, and returned. He also attacked Anyang and took it. In the twenty-fifth year, Yan Zhou served as general and attacked Changcheng and Gaotang, capturing them. Zhao joined Wei in striking Qin. The Qin general Bai Qi defeated Zhao at Huayang and captured one of its generals. In the twenty-sixth year, Zhao seized Ou territory from the Eastern Hu in the Dai region.

In the twenty-seventh year, the Zhang River was diverted south of Wuping. Zhao Bao was enfeoffed as Lord Pingyang. The Yellow River flooded, causing great damage.

In the twenty-eighth year, Lin Xiangru led a campaign against Qi, reaching Pingyi. Construction of the great wall north of Jiumen was discontinued. In Yan, the general Chengan Jun Gongsun Cao assassinated the king. In the twenty-ninth year, Qin and Han were fighting each other, and Qin besieged Eyu. Zhao dispatched Zhao She as general to strike Qin; he utterly defeated the Qin army below Eyu and was granted the title Lord Mafu.

In the thirty-third year, King Huiwen died, and Crown Prince Dan was enthroned as King Xiaocheng.

Notes

1person趙奢Zhào Shē

Zhao She (趙奢) was one of Zhao's finest generals. His victory at the Battle of Eyu (閼與之戰, 270 BC) was a stunning upset — he defeated a Qin army in mountainous terrain that most Zhao commanders considered impossible to contest. His title 'Lord Mafu' (馬服君) gave rise to the compound surname Mafu, and his son was the ill-fated Zhao Kuo of the Changping disaster.

2person藺相如Lìn Xiāngrú

Lin Xiangru (藺相如) is famous not as a general but as a diplomat — his confrontation with the King of Qin over the He Shi Bi jade disc is one of the most celebrated episodes in the Shiji (Chapter 81). His appearance here as a military commander is unusual.

3person白起Bái Qǐ

Bai Qi (白起, d. 257 BC) was Qin's deadliest general, responsible for an estimated million enemy casualties. His victory at Huayang (273 BC) foreshadowed the far greater catastrophe he would inflict on Zhao at Changping.

4place

Eyu (閼與) was in modern Heshun County (和順縣), Shanxi. The difficult mountain terrain made most Zhao advisors counsel against intervention, but Zhao She's bold strategy prevailed.

觸龍說趙太后

Chu Long Persuades the Queen Dowager

孝成王元年,秦伐我,拔三城。趙王新立,太后用事,秦急攻之。趙氏求救於齊,齊曰:「必以長安君為質,兵乃出。」太后不肯,大臣彊諫。太后明謂左右曰:「復言長安君為質者,老婦必唾其面。」左師觸龍言原見太后,太后盛氣而胥之。入,徐趨而坐,自謝曰:「老臣病足,曾不能疾走,不得見久矣。竊自恕,而恐太后體之有所苦也,故原望見太后。」太后曰:「老婦恃輦而行耳。」曰:「食得毋衰乎?」曰:「恃粥耳。」曰:「老臣間者殊不欲食,乃彊步,日三四里,少益嗜食,和於身也。」太后曰:「老婦不能。」太后不和之色少解。左師公曰:「老臣賤息舒祺最少,不肖,而臣衰,竊憐愛之,原得補黑衣之缺以衛王宮,昧死以聞。」太后曰:「敬諾。年幾何矣?」對曰:「十五歲矣。雖少,原及未填溝壑而託之。」太后曰:「丈夫亦愛憐少子乎?」對曰:「甚於婦人。」太后笑曰:「婦人異甚。」對曰:「老臣竊以為媼之愛燕後賢於長安君。」太后曰:「君過矣,不若長安君之甚。」左師公曰:「父母愛子則為之計深遠。媼之送燕後也,持其踵,為之泣,念其遠也,亦哀之矣。已行,非不思也,祭祀則祝之曰『必勿使反』,豈非計長久,為子孫相繼為王也哉?」太后曰:「然。」左師公曰:「今三世以前,至於趙主之子孫為侯者,其繼有在者乎?」曰:「無有。」曰:「微獨趙,諸侯有在者乎?」曰:「老婦不聞也。」曰:「此其近者禍及其身,遠者及其子孫。豈人主之子侯則不善哉?位尊而無功,奉厚而無勞,而挾重器多也。今媼尊長安君之位,而封之以膏腴之地,多與之重器,而不及今令有功於國,一旦山陵崩,長安君何以自託於趙?老臣以媼為長安君之計短也,故以為愛之不若燕後。」太后曰:「諾,恣君之所使之。」於是為長安君約車百乘,質於齊,齊兵乃出。

子義聞之,曰:「人主之子,骨肉之親也,猶不能持無功之尊,無勞之奉,而守金玉之重也,而況於予乎?」

In the first year of King Xiaocheng, Qin attacked Zhao and seized three cities. The new king had just taken the throne; the Queen Dowager managed state affairs, and Qin pressed its attack urgently. Zhao sought aid from Qi, but Qi said: "You must send the Lord of Chang'an as a hostage before we will dispatch troops." The Queen Dowager refused, and the great ministers pressed her forcefully. She declared openly to her attendants: "If anyone speaks again of sending the Lord of Chang'an as a hostage, this old woman will spit in his face."

The Left Tutor Chu Long requested an audience. The Queen Dowager received him in a fury. He entered, shuffled slowly forward, sat down, and apologised: "This old minister's legs are diseased — I can no longer walk quickly and have not been able to visit for a long time. I have been indulging myself, but feared that Your Majesty's health might also be troubling you, and so wished to pay my respects."

The Queen Dowager said: "This old woman gets about only by sedan chair."

"Is your appetite holding up?"

"I subsist on gruel."

"This old minister has had no appetite lately either. I force myself to walk three or four li each day, and my appetite has slightly improved — it eases the body."

The Queen Dowager said: "This old woman cannot manage that." Her angry expression softened slightly.

The Left Tutor said: "My worthless youngest son, Shu Qi — he is the least capable, but this old minister grows feeble and secretly dotes on him. I beg to have him fill a vacancy among the Black-Robed Guards to protect the royal palace. I risk death to make this request."

The Queen Dowager said: "Granted. How old is he?"

"Fifteen. Though he is young, I wish to settle his future before I fall into a ditch."

The Queen Dowager said: "Do men also dote on their youngest sons?"

"More than women do."

The Queen Dowager laughed: "Women are far worse."

"I humbly think that Your Majesty loves the Queen of Yan more than the Lord of Chang'an."

The Queen Dowager said: "You are wrong — I do not love her nearly as much as Chang'an."

The Left Tutor said: "When parents love their children, they plan far ahead for them. When Your Majesty sent the Queen of Yan away, you held her heel, wept for her, and grieved at how far she would go. After she left, it was not that you did not think of her — but at every sacrifice you prayed: 'May she never be sent back.' Was this not planning for the long term, so that her descendants might reign as kings generation after generation?"

The Queen Dowager said: "It was."

The Left Tutor said: "Going back three generations, are any of the descendants of the rulers of Zhao who were enfeoffed as lords still holding their titles?"

"None."

"Not only in Zhao — among all the states, are any such descendants still in place?"

"I have not heard of any."

"In the near cases, disaster fell on them personally; in the distant cases, it reached their children and grandchildren. Is it that the sons of rulers who become lords are inherently bad? No — they held high rank without achievement, received rich emoluments without labor, and possessed too many precious treasures. Now Your Majesty has elevated Chang'an's rank and enfeoffed him with rich lands, lavishing treasures on him — yet you have not taken this opportunity to have him earn merit for the state. The day the mountains crumble, how will Chang'an sustain his position in Zhao? This old minister considers Your Majesty's planning for Chang'an to be short-sighted. That is why I said you love him less than the Queen of Yan."

The Queen Dowager said: "Very well. Do with him as you see fit." Thereupon a hundred chariots were prepared for the Lord of Chang'an, and he was sent as a hostage to Qi. Qi then dispatched its troops.

Zi Yi, hearing of this, said: "The son of a ruler, his own flesh and blood, still cannot maintain the dignity of rank without achievement, the emoluments of office without labor, or hold on to gold and jade. How much less can someone like me?"

Notes

1person觸龍Chù Lóng

Chu Long (觸龍, also written 觸讋) was the Left Tutor (左師), a senior court advisor. His persuasion of the Queen Dowager is one of the most anthologised texts in classical Chinese and a model of indirect rhetoric — he never directly argues for the hostage exchange, but leads her to the conclusion through an analogy about parental love.

2person長安君Cháng'ān Jūn

The Lord of Chang'an (長安君) was the Queen Dowager's youngest and favourite son. The 'Queen of Yan' (燕後) was her daughter, married to the King of Yan — the daughter she had wept over but prayed would never return, since return would mean political disgrace.

3context

This episode (c. 265 BC) is a masterclass in persuasion. Chu Long's genius lies in three steps: (1) he disarms the queen's anger with small talk about old age; (2) he establishes common ground by asking about his own son's placement; (3) he reframes the hostage question not as sacrificing her son but as the only way to secure his future. The argument that rank without merit is unsustainable proved prophetic — the aristocracies of the Warring States were indeed swept away within a generation.

上黨之爭與長平之戰

The Dispute over Shangdang and the Battle of Changping

齊安平君田單將趙師而攻燕中陽,拔之。又攻韓注人,拔之。二年,惠文后卒。田單為相。

四年,王夢衣偏裻之衣,乘飛龍上天,不至而墜,見金玉之積如山。明日,王召筮史敢占之,曰:「夢衣偏裻之衣者,殘也。乘飛龍上天不至而墜者,有氣而無實也。見金玉之積如山者,憂也。」

後三日,韓氏上黨守馮亭使者至,曰:「韓不能守上黨,入之於秦。其吏民皆安為趙,不欲為秦。有城市邑十七,原再拜入之趙,財王所以賜吏民。」王大喜,召平陽君豹告之曰:「馮亭入城市邑十七,受之何如?」對曰:「聖人甚禍無故之利。」王曰:「人懷吾德,何謂無故乎?」對曰:「夫秦蠶食韓氏地,中絕不令相通,固自以為坐而受上黨之地也。韓氏所以不入於秦者,欲嫁其禍於趙也。秦服其勞而趙受其利,雖彊大不能得之於小弱,小弱顧能得之於彊大乎?豈可謂非無故之利哉!且夫秦以牛田之水通糧蠶食,上乘倍戰者,裂上國之地,其政行,不可與為難,必勿受也。」王曰:「今發百萬之軍而攻,逾年曆歲未得一城也。今以城市邑十七幣吾國,」

趙豹出,王召平原君與趙禹而告之。對曰:「發百萬之軍而攻,逾歲未得一城,今坐受城市邑十七,此大利,不可失也。」王曰:「善。」乃令趙勝受地,告馮亭曰:「敝國使者臣勝,敝國君使勝致命,以萬戶都三封太守,千戶都三封縣令,皆世世為侯,吏民皆益爵三級,吏民能相安,皆賜之六金。」馮亭垂涕不見使者,曰:「吾不處三不義也:為主守地,不能死固,不義一矣;入之秦,不聽主令,不義二矣;賣主地而食之,不義三矣。」趙遂發兵取上黨。廉頗將軍軍長平。

七月,廉頗免而趙括代將。秦人圍趙括,趙括以軍降,卒四十餘萬皆阬之。王悔不聽趙豹之計,故有長平之禍焉。

Qi's Lord Anping, Tian Dan, led Zhao's army to attack Yan's Zhongyang and captured it. He also attacked Han's Zhuren and took it. In the second year, Queen Huiwen died. Tian Dan became chancellor.

In the fourth year, the king dreamt that he wore a garment with a split seam, rode a flying dragon up toward Heaven but fell short and plunged back to earth, and saw gold and jade piled up like mountains. The next day, he summoned the diviner Gan to interpret it. Gan said: "Dreaming of a garment with a split seam signifies destruction. Riding a flying dragon toward Heaven but failing to arrive and falling signifies ambition without substance. Seeing gold and jade piled like mountains signifies sorrow."

Three days later, an envoy arrived from Feng Ting, the governor of Shangdang in the service of Han: "Han can no longer hold Shangdang and is ceding it to Qin. But the officials and people all prefer to belong to Zhao rather than Qin. There are seventeen walled towns and cities. We wish to prostrate ourselves and offer them to Zhao; Your Majesty may reward the officials and people as you see fit."

The king was overjoyed. He summoned Lord Pingyang, Zhao Bao, and told him: "Feng Ting is offering seventeen walled towns. Should we accept?" Zhao Bao replied: "The sage considers windfall profits the greatest curse." The king said: "The people cherish our virtue — how is this a windfall?" Zhao Bao replied: "Qin has been devouring Han's territory piece by piece and cutting it in two, expecting to receive Shangdang as a matter of course. The reason Han does not surrender it to Qin is to transfer its disaster to Zhao. Qin did the work and Zhao takes the profit — even a great power cannot simply take from the weak, so how can the weak simply take from the great? How can this not be called a windfall? Moreover, Qin uses its irrigated fields to supply its armies and has warriors who fight with redoubled ferocity. It carves up the territories of the great states, and its policies are effective. You cannot make trouble with it — you must not accept."

The king said: "If we mobilised a million troops to attack, we might campaign for a year or more without taking a single city. Now seventeen walled towns are being presented to us as tribute."

Zhao Bao withdrew. The king summoned the Lord of Pingyuan and Zhao Yu and told them. They replied: "To mobilise a million troops and campaign for a year without taking a single city — and now to receive seventeen walled towns while sitting down — this is a great advantage that must not be lost." The king said: "Good." He ordered Zhao Sheng to receive the territory and informed Feng Ting: "Our humble state's envoy, your minister Sheng, has been commanded by our lord to convey his decree: three prefectures of ten thousand households shall be enfeoffed to the governor, three prefectures of one thousand households to the county magistrates, all to hold hereditary lordships. All officials and people shall receive three promotions in rank, and those who maintain peace shall each be given six units of gold."

Feng Ting wept and refused to see the envoy, saying: "I will not abide three acts of unrighteousness. I was charged with defending territory for my lord but could not hold it to the death — that is the first unrighteousness. I refused to surrender it to Qin, defying my lord's command — that is the second. I am profiting from selling my lord's land — that is the third."

Zhao then dispatched troops to occupy Shangdang. General Lian Po stationed his army at Changping.

In the seventh month, Lian Po was relieved of command and Zhao Kuo replaced him. The Qin army surrounded Zhao Kuo. Zhao Kuo surrendered with his army, and over four hundred thousand soldiers were buried alive. The king regretted not heeding Zhao Bao's counsel, and so came the catastrophe of Changping.

Notes

1context

The Battle of Changping (長平之戰, 260 BC) was the single most decisive engagement of the Warring States period. Zhao's acceptance of the Shangdang territory provoked Qin into a full-scale war. Lian Po initially adopted a defensive strategy that Qin could not break, but Zhao — possibly influenced by Qin's disinformation campaign — replaced him with the inexperienced Zhao Kuo (趙括), whose aggressive tactics led to encirclement and annihilation.

2person趙括Zhào Kuò

Zhao Kuo (趙括) was the son of the accomplished general Zhao She. His mother had warned the king against appointing him, saying he treated warfare as a game. His name became a byword for the danger of theoretical knowledge without practical experience — the idiom 紙上談兵 ('armchair strategist') derives from his story.

3person馮亭Féng Tíng

Feng Ting (馮亭) was Han's governor of Shangdang. His refusal to accept Zhao's rewards — and his declaration of 'three acts of unrighteousness' — shows a man caught in an impossible moral dilemma. He died fighting at Changping.

4place

Changping (長平) was in modern Gaoping County (高平縣), Shanxi. Mass graves containing Zhao soldiers' remains have been excavated at the site, confirming the scale of the massacre described in ancient sources.

5person平陽君趙豹 / 平原君趙勝Zhào Bào / Zhào Shēng

Lord Pingyang, Zhao Bao (趙豹), correctly warned that accepting Shangdang would provoke Qin. The Lord of Pingyuan, Zhao Sheng (趙勝, d. 251 BC), one of the 'Four Lords' (四公子) of the Warring States, gave the fatally wrong advice to accept.

邯鄲之圍與解救

The Siege of Handan and Its Relief

王還,不聽秦,秦圍邯鄲。武垣令傅豹、王容、蘇射率燕眾反燕地。趙以靈丘封楚相春申君。

八年,平原君如楚請救。還,楚來救,及魏公子無忌亦來救,秦圍邯鄲乃解。

十年,燕攻昌壯,五月拔之。趙將樂乘、慶舍攻秦信梁軍,破之。太子死。而秦攻西周,拔之。徒父祺出。十一年,城元氏,縣上原。武陽君鄭安平死,收其地。十二年,邯鄲廥燒。十四年,平原君趙勝死。

The king returned and refused to submit to Qin's demands. Qin besieged Handan. The commandant of Wuyuan — Fu Bao, Wang Rong, and Su She — led Yan's forces in rebellion and returned to Yan territory. Zhao enfeoffed Lord Chunshen, the chancellor of Chu, with Lingqiu.

In the eighth year, the Lord of Pingyuan went to Chu to request aid. He returned, and Chu sent a relief force. Lord Xinling of Wei also came to Zhao's aid, and the Qin siege of Handan was lifted.

In the tenth year, Yan attacked Changzhuang and captured it in the fifth month. The Zhao generals Yue Cheng and Qing She attacked Qin's Xinliang army and defeated it. The crown prince died. Qin attacked the Western Zhou domain and conquered it. Tufu Qi departed. In the eleventh year, Zhao fortified Yuanshi and established Shangyuan as a county. Lord Wuyang, Zheng Anping, died, and his territory was recovered. In the twelfth year, the granaries of Handan burned. In the fourteenth year, the Lord of Pingyuan, Zhao Sheng, died.

Notes

1context

The Siege of Handan (邯鄲之圍, 259–257 BC) was Qin's attempt to finish off Zhao after the Changping massacre. The siege lasted over two years and was broken only by the combined intervention of Chu and Wei. Lord Xinling of Wei (魏公子無忌, the 'Prince of Wei') famously stole his king's military tally to lead an unauthorised relief force — one of the most dramatic rescue operations in Chinese history.

2person春申君Chūn Shēn Jūn

Lord Chunshen (春申君, d. 238 BC) was the chancellor of Chu and one of the 'Four Lords' (四公子) of the Warring States. Zhao's grant of Lingqiu was a reward for Chu's military intervention.

3person信陵君Xìnlíng Jūn

Lord Xinling of Wei (信陵君, d. c. 243 BC) was another of the 'Four Lords.' His unauthorized rescue of Handan is told in detail in Shiji Chapter 77.

廉頗破燕與孝成王末年

Lian Po's Victory Over Yan and the End of King Xiaocheng's Reign

十五年,以尉文封相國廉頗為信平君。燕王令丞相栗腹約驩,以五百金為趙王酒,還歸,報燕王曰:「趙氏壯者皆死長平,其孤未壯,可伐也。」王召昌國君樂間而問之。對曰:「趙,四戰之國也,其民習兵,伐之不可。」王曰:「吾以眾伐寡,二而伐一,可乎?」對曰:「不可。」王曰:「吾即以五而伐一,可乎?」對曰:「不可。」燕王大怒。群臣皆以為可。燕卒起二軍,車二千乘,栗腹將而攻鄗,卿秦將而攻代。廉頗為趙將,破殺栗腹,虜卿秦、樂間。

十六年,廉頗圍燕。以樂乘為武襄君。率師從相國信平君助魏攻燕。秦拔我榆次三十七城。十九年,趙與燕易土:以龍兌、汾門、臨樂與燕;燕以葛、武陽、平舒與趙。

二十年,秦王政初立。秦拔我晉陽。

二十一年,孝成王卒。廉頗將,攻繁陽,取之。使樂乘代之,廉頗攻樂乘,樂乘走,廉頗亡入魏。子偃立,是為悼襄王。

In the fifteenth year, Chancellor Lian Po was enfeoffed with Weiwen and given the title Lord Xinping. The King of Yan ordered his chancellor Li Fu to conclude a friendship pact, presenting five hundred pieces of gold as a toast to the King of Zhao. On his return, Li Fu reported to the King of Yan: "Zhao's able-bodied men all died at Changping; their orphans have not yet grown to manhood. Zhao can be attacked."

The king summoned Lord Changguo, Yue Jian, and asked his opinion. Yue Jian replied: "Zhao is a state beset on all four sides by enemies — its people are accustomed to war. You cannot attack it." The king said: "If I attack with superior numbers, two against one — can it be done?" "It cannot." "Then five against one?" "It cannot." The King of Yan was furious. All the other ministers said it could be done.

Yan raised two armies with two thousand chariots. Li Fu commanded the attack on Hao, and Qing Qin commanded the attack on Dai. Lian Po, as Zhao's general, crushed and killed Li Fu and captured Qing Qin and Yue Jian.

In the sixteenth year, Lian Po besieged Yan. Yue Cheng was given the title Lord Wuxiang. He led forces to support Chancellor Xinping in the attack on Yan. Qin meanwhile seized thirty-seven of Zhao's cities including Yuci. In the nineteenth year, Zhao and Yan exchanged territories: Zhao gave Longdui, Fenmen, and Linle to Yan; Yan gave Ge, Wuyang, and Pingshu to Zhao.

In the twentieth year, King Zheng of Qin first took the throne. Qin captured Jinyang from Zhao.

In the twenty-first year, King Xiaocheng died. Lian Po was commanding an attack on Fanyang and captured it. When Yue Cheng was sent to replace him, Lian Po turned and attacked Yue Cheng. Yue Cheng fled, and Lian Po defected to Wei. Prince Yan succeeded to the throne as King Daoxiang.

Notes

1context

Yan's attack on Zhao (251 BC) was an extraordinary miscalculation. Li Fu had correctly observed that Zhao's military manpower was devastated after Changping, but underestimated both Zhao's fighting spirit and Lian Po's generalship. The result was a humiliating Yan defeat that further weakened Yan while demonstrating Zhao's resilience.

2person秦王政Qín Wáng Zhèng

King Zheng of Qin (秦王政), who took the throne in 247 BC at age thirteen, would later become Qin Shi Huang (秦始皇), the first emperor of a unified China. His accession marks the beginning of Qin's final drive toward unification.

3context

Lian Po's defection to Wei (245 BC) was a pivotal loss for Zhao. The aging general had been Zhao's most reliable commander for decades, but a court dispute over his replacement led him to attack his own successor. He would later be invited back by Zhao but was sabotaged by the corrupt minister Guo Kai, who bribed envoys to report that Lian Po was too old to serve. The idiom 廉頗老矣 ('Is Lian Po old?') comes from this episode.

悼襄王與李牧之守

King Daoxiang and Li Mu's Defense

悼襄王元年,大備魏。欲通平邑、中牟之道,不成。

二年,李牧將,攻燕,拔武遂、方城。秦召春平君,因而留之。泄鈞為之謂文信侯曰:「春平君者,趙王甚愛之而郎中妒之,故相與謀曰『春平君入秦,秦必留之』,故相與謀而內之秦也。今君留之,是絕趙而郎中之計中也。君不如遣春平君而留平都。春平君者言行信於王,王必厚割趙而贖平都。」文信侯曰:「善。」因遣之。城韓皋。

三年,龐暖將,攻燕,禽其將劇辛。四年,龐暖將趙、楚、魏、燕之銳師,攻秦蕞,不拔;移攻齊,取饒安。五年,傅抵將,居平邑;慶舍將東陽河外師,守河梁。六年,封長安君以饒。魏與趙鄴。

九年,趙攻燕,取貍陽城。兵未罷,秦攻鄴,拔之。悼襄王卒,子幽繆王遷立。

In the first year of King Daoxiang, Zhao made extensive military preparations against Wei. An attempt to open the road between Pingyi and Zhongmou failed.

In the second year, Li Mu served as general, attacked Yan, and captured Wusui and Fangcheng. Qin summoned Lord Chunping and then detained him. Xie Jun intervened on his behalf, saying to the Marquis of Wenxin: "The King of Zhao loves Lord Chunping dearly, but the palace attendants are jealous of him. They conspired, saying 'If Chunping goes to Qin, Qin will certainly detain him,' and so they maneuvered him into going. If you now detain him, you sever relations with Zhao and play into the attendants' scheme. Better to release Chunping and keep Pingdu instead. Chunping's word is trusted by the king — the king will surely cede a large portion of Zhao to ransom Pingdu." The Marquis of Wenxin said: "Good," and released him. Zhao fortified Hangao.

In the third year, Pang Nuan served as general, attacked Yan, and captured its general Ju Xin. In the fourth year, Pang Nuan led the elite forces of Zhao, Chu, Wei, and Yan to attack Qin at Zui but could not take it; he redirected his attack against Qi and took Rao'an. In the fifth year, Fu Di commanded forces at Pingyi; Qing She led the army east of the Yellow River to guard the river crossings. In the sixth year, the Lord of Chang'an was enfeoffed with Rao. Wei ceded Ye to Zhao.

In the ninth year, Zhao attacked Yan and took Liyang. Before the army could return, Qin attacked Ye and captured it. King Daoxiang died, and his son, King Youmu ("the Dark and Foolish"), named Qian, took the throne.

Notes

1person李牧Lǐ Mù

Li Mu (李牧, d. 229 BC) was Zhao's last great general. Originally the commander of Zhao's northern frontier against the Xiongnu, he was brought south to face the Qin onslaught. His brilliant defensive campaigns delayed Zhao's fall by several years.

2person呂不韋Lǚ Bùwéi

The Marquis of Wenxin (文信侯) is Lü Buwei (呂不韋, d. 235 BC), the powerful chancellor of Qin who had engineered the accession of King Zhuangxiang and served as regent for the young King Zheng.

3context

The four-state coalition attack on Qin's Zui (蕞, 241 BC) was the last major allied campaign against Qin. Its failure marked the end of effective 'vertical alliance' (合縱) resistance to Qin's expansion.

4person悼襄王 / 幽繆王Dào Xiāng Wáng / Yōu Miù Wáng

King Daoxiang (悼襄王, r. 245–236 BC) presided over Zhao's continued decline. His posthumous name literally means 'Mourning and Reverent,' but his successor's name — King Youmu (幽繆王), meaning 'Dark and Foolish' — is an overt condemnation by later historians.

李牧抗秦與趙之亡

Li Mu's Last Stand and the Fall of Zhao

幽繆王遷元年,城柏人。二年,秦攻武城,扈輒率師救之,軍敗,死焉。

三年,秦攻赤麗、宜安,李牧率師與戰肥下,卻之。封牧為武安君。四年,秦攻番吾,李牧與之戰,卻之。

五年,代地大動,自樂徐以西,北至平陰,台屋牆垣太半壞,地坼東西百三十步。六年,大飢,民訛言曰:「趙為號,秦為笑。以為不信,視地之生毛。」

七年,秦人攻趙,趙大將李牧、將軍司馬尚將,擊之。李牧誅,司馬尚免,趙怱及齊將顏聚代之。趙怱軍破,顏聚亡去。以王遷降。

八年十月,邯鄲為秦。

In the first year of King Youmu Qian, Zhao fortified Bairen. In the second year, Qin attacked Wucheng. Hu Zhe led a relief force, but his army was defeated and he was killed.

In the third year, Qin attacked Chili and Yi'an. Li Mu led his forces to engage them at Feixia and drove them back. Li Mu was granted the title Lord Wu'an. In the fourth year, Qin attacked Fanwu. Li Mu fought them and drove them back.

In the fifth year, a great earthquake struck the Dai region: from Lexu westward, north to Pingyin, over half of all towers, buildings, and walls collapsed. The earth split open for one hundred and thirty paces from east to west. In the sixth year, there was a terrible famine. The people circulated a rumor: "Zhao is for weeping, Qin is for laughing. If you do not believe it, look — the ground sprouts hair."

In the seventh year, Qin attacked Zhao. Zhao's supreme commander Li Mu and General Sima Shang led the defense. Li Mu was executed. Sima Shang was dismissed. Zhao Cong and the Qi general Yan Ju replaced them. Zhao Cong's army was destroyed and Yan Ju fled. King Qian surrendered.

In the tenth month of the eighth year, Handan became part of Qin.

Notes

1context

Li Mu's execution (229 BC) was engineered by Qin through bribery of the Zhao minister Guo Kai (郭開), who convinced King Youmu that Li Mu was plotting treason. It was a devastating act of self-destruction — Li Mu was the only general capable of resisting Qin's invasion, and his removal sealed Zhao's fate. The Shiji's terse 'Li Mu was executed' (李牧誅) conveys Sima Qian's outrage through understatement.

2context

The popular rhyme — 'Zhao is for weeping, Qin is for laughing' (趙為號,秦為笑) — and the omen of 'ground sprouting hair' reflect the apocalyptic atmosphere of Zhao's final years. Earthquakes, famine, and portents were interpreted as Heaven withdrawing its mandate.

3person李牧/武安君Lǐ Mù / Wǔ'ān Jūn

Lord Wu'an (武安君) was the same title that had been held by Qin's great general Bai Qi. Granting it to Li Mu was an acknowledgment that he was Zhao's answer to the man who had annihilated their army at Changping — a poignant symmetry.

4context

Handan fell to Qin in 228 BC. The state that had produced King Wuling's cavalry revolution, Lian Po's victories, and Li Mu's brilliant defenses was extinguished — destroyed ultimately not by Qin's armies but by its own king's willingness to execute his best general on the word of a corrupt minister.

太史公曰

The Grand Historian's Comment

太史公曰。吾聞馮王孫曰:「趙王遷,其母倡也,嬖於悼襄王。悼襄王廢適子嘉而立遷。遷素無行,信讒,故誅其良將李牧,用郭開。」豈不繆哉!秦既虜遷,趙之亡大夫共立嘉為王,王代六歲,秦進兵破嘉,遂滅趙以為郡。

趙氏之系,與秦同祖。周穆平徐,乃封造父。帶始事晉,夙初有土。岸賈矯誅,韓厥立武。寶符臨代,卒居伯魯。簡夢翟犬,靈歌處女。胡服雖強,建立非所。頗、牧不用,王遷囚虜。

The Grand Historian comments: I have heard Feng Wangsun say: "King Qian of Zhao — his mother was a singing girl who was favored by King Daoxiang. King Daoxiang set aside his legitimate son Jia and installed Qian instead. Qian had always been a man of no character who believed slander, and so he executed his finest general Li Mu and relied on Guo Kai." Was this not a grievous error!

After Qin captured Qian, the surviving grandees of Zhao jointly installed Jia as king. He ruled Dai for six years before Qin advanced its armies, defeated Jia, and annexed Zhao as a commandery.

The line of Zhao shared a common ancestor with Qin. When King Mu of Zhou pacified Xu, he enfeoffed Zao Fu. Shu Dai first served Jin; Zhao Su first held land. Tu'an Gu falsely condemned the clan; Han Jue restored Zhao Wu. A divine talisman arrived at Dai, and the succession passed to Bolu's line. Lord Jian dreamt of a Di hound; the Ling Palace echoed with a maiden's song. Though nomad dress brought strength, the succession was wrongly placed. When Lian Po and Li Mu went unused, King Qian was taken prisoner.

Notes

1person馮王孫Féng Wángsūn

Feng Wangsun (馮王孫) was apparently a descendant of the Zhao royal house whom Sima Qian personally interviewed. This is a rare case where the Grand Historian names his oral source.

2person郭開Guō Kāi

Guo Kai (郭開) was the corrupt Zhao minister who accepted Qin bribes to slander both Lian Po and Li Mu. He is one of the most reviled figures in Warring States history.

3context

Prince Jia (公子嘉) — the legitimate heir who had been passed over — established a rump state at Dai after Handan's fall in 228 BC. He held out for six years until Qin conquered Dai in 222 BC, making it the very last remnant of Zhao to be extinguished.

4context

The closing verse (贊) is a characteristic Sima Qian device — a rhymed summary of the entire chapter. Each line encapsulates a key episode: Zao Fu's enfeoffment, Shu Dai's migration to Jin, the massacre and restoration of the Zhao clan (the Zhao orphan story), the divine talisman at Dai, Zhao Jianzi's prophetic dream, King Wuling's nomad dress reform, his flawed succession, and the final tragedy of Lian Po and Li Mu going unused. The penultimate line — 'though nomad dress brought strength, the succession was wrongly placed' (胡服雖強,建立非所) — captures the central irony of Zhao's history: its greatest reformer was also the author of its most destructive political crisis.

Edition & Source

Text
《史記》 Shiji
Edition
中華古詩文古書籍網 transcription
Commentary
裴駰《史記集解》、司馬貞《史記索隱》、張守節《史記正義》(Three Commentaries)