趙策二 (Stratagems of Zhao II) — Chinese ink painting

Chapter 19 of 33 · Zhao state

趙策二

Stratagems of Zhao II

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蘇秦從燕之趙始合從

Su Qin Travels from Yan to Zhao and Initiates the North-South Coalition

蘇秦從燕之趙,始合從,說趙王曰:「天下之卿相人臣,乃至布衣之士,莫不高賢大王之行義,皆願奉教陳忠於前之日久矣。雖然,奉陽君妬,大王不得任事,是以外賓客游談之士,無敢盡忠於前者。今奉陽君捐館舍,大王乃今然後得與士民相親,臣故敢獻其愚,效愚忠。為大王計,莫若安民無事,請無庸有為也。安民之本,在於擇交,擇交而得則民安,擇交不得則民終身不得安。請言外患:齊、秦為兩敵,而民不得安;倚秦攻齊,而民不得安;倚齊攻秦,而民不得安。故夫謀人之主,伐人之國,常苦出辭斷絕人之交,願大王慎無出與口也。

「請屏左右,曰言所以異,陰陽而已矣。大王誠能聽臣,燕必致氈裘狗馬之地,齊必致海隅魚鹽之地,楚必致桔柚雲夢之地,韓、魏皆可使致封地湯沐之邑,貴戚父兄皆可以受封侯。夫割地效實,五伯之所以復軍禽將而求也;封侯貴戚,湯、武之所以放殺而爭也。今大王垂拱而兩有之,是臣之所以為大王願也。大王與秦,則秦必弱韓、魏;與齊,則齊必弱楚、魏。魏弱則割河外,韓弱則效宜陽。宜陽效則上郡絕,河外割則道不通。楚弱則無援。此三策者,不可不熟計也。夫秦下軹道則南陽動,劫韓包周則趙自銷鑠,據衛取淇則齊必入朝。秦欲已得行於山東,則必舉甲而向趙。秦甲涉河逾漳,據番吾,則兵必戰於邯鄲之下矣。此臣之所以為大王患也。

「當今之時,山東之建國,莫如趙強。趙地方二千里,帶甲數十萬,車千乘,騎萬匹,粟支十年;西有常山,南有河、漳,東有清河,北有燕國。燕固弱國,不足畏也。且秦之所畏害於天下者,莫如趙。然而秦不敢舉兵甲而伐趙者,何也?畏韓、魏之議其後也。然則韓、魏,趙之南蔽也。秦之攻韓、魏也,則不然。無有名山大川之限,稍稍蠶食之,傅之國都而止矣。韓、魏不能支秦,必入臣。韓、魏臣於秦,秦無韓、魏之隔,禍中於趙矣。此臣之所以為大王患也。

「臣聞,堯無三夫之分,舜無咫尺之地,以有天下。禹無百人之聚,以王諸侯。湯、武之卒不過三千人,車不過三百乘,立為天子。誠得其道也。是故明主外料其敵國之強弱,內度其士卒之眾寡、賢與不肖,不待兩軍相當,而勝敗存亡之機節,固已見於胸中矣,豈掩於眾人之言,而以冥冥決事哉!

「臣竊以天下地圖案之。諸侯之地五倍於秦,料諸侯之卒,十倍於秦。六國併力為一,西面而攻秦,秦必破矣。今見破於秦,西面而事之,見臣於秦。夫破人之與破於人也,臣人之與臣於人也,豈可同日而言之哉!夫橫人者,皆欲割諸侯之地以與秦成。與秦成,則高台,美宮室,聽竽瑟之音,察五味之和,前有軒轅,後有長庭,美人巧笑,卒有秦患,而不與其憂。是故橫人日夜務以秦權恐猲諸侯,以求割地,願大王之熟計之也。

「臣聞,明王絕疑去讒,屏流言之跡,塞朋黨之門,故尊主廣地強兵之計,臣得陳忠於前矣。故竊本大王計,莫如一韓、魏、齊、楚、燕、趙六國從親,以儐畔秦。令天下之將相,相與會於洹水之上,通質刑白馬以盟之。約曰:『秦攻楚,齊、魏各出銳師以佐之,韓絕食道,趙涉河、漳,燕守常山以北。秦攻韓、魏,則楚絕其後,齊出銳師以佐之,趙涉河、漳,燕守雲中。秦攻齊,則楚絕其後,韓守成皋,魏塞午道,趙涉河、漳、博關,燕出銳師以佐之。秦攻燕,則趙守常山,楚軍武關,齊涉渤海,韓、魏出銳師以佐之。秦攻趙,則韓軍宜陽,楚軍武關,魏軍河外,齊涉渤海,燕出銳師以佐之。諸侯有先背約者,五國共伐之。』六國從親以擯秦,秦必不敢出兵函谷關以害山東矣。如是則伯業成矣。」

趙王曰:「寡人年少,蒞國之日淺,未嘗得聞社稷之長計。今上客有意存天下,安諸侯,寡人敬以國從。」乃封蘇秦為武安君,飾車百乘,黃金千鎰,白璧百雙,錦繡千純,以約諸侯。

Su Qin travels from Yan to Zhao and initiates the north-south coalition. He addresses the King of Zhao:

"Every minister, counselor, and commoner in All-Under-Heaven admires Your Majesty's righteous conduct and has long wished to present loyal counsel before you. However, Lord Fengyang's jealousy prevented Your Majesty from taking charge of affairs, and as a result no visiting scholar or traveling persuader dared speak frankly in your presence. Now Lord Fengyang has passed away, and Your Majesty is at last free to engage directly with your people and scholars. I therefore dare to offer my humble thoughts.

The best plan for Your Majesty is to give the people peace and avoid unnecessary action. The foundation of peace lies in choosing the right alliances. Choose correctly, and the people are secure; choose wrongly, and they will never know security in their lifetimes.

Consider the external threats: with Qi and Qin as dual adversaries, the people cannot be at peace. Lean on Qin to attack Qi — the people cannot be at peace. Lean on Qi to attack Qin — the people cannot be at peace. Those who plot against other rulers and attack other states always suffer from having words twisted and alliances severed. I beg Your Majesty to guard your speech carefully.

I ask that you dismiss your attendants, for what I wish to speak of concerns the difference between the two alignments — that and nothing more.

If Your Majesty will truly listen to me: Yan will certainly present its lands of felts, furs, dogs, and horses; Qi will certainly present its coastal fish and salt territories; Chu will certainly present its lands of oranges, pomelos, and Yunmeng; Han and Wei can both be made to present fiefdoms and bathing estates. Your own noble relatives can all receive marquessates.

Territorial cessions and material gains are what the Five Hegemons had to shatter armies and capture generals to obtain; ennobling relatives is what Tang and Wu had to banish and kill rulers to achieve. Now Your Majesty can sit back and gain both — this is what I wish for Your Majesty.

If Your Majesty sides with Qin, Qin will weaken Han and Wei. If you side with Qi, Qi will weaken Chu and Wei. When Wei is weakened, it will cede Hewai. When Han is weakened, it will surrender Yiyang. Once Yiyang is surrendered, Shangdang is cut off; once Hewai is ceded, the road is blocked. When Chu is weakened, it will have no allies. These three scenarios must be weighed carefully.

If Qin descends through the Zhi Road, Nanyang will tremble. If Qin coerces Han and encircles Zhou, Zhao will wither of its own accord. If Qin occupies Wey and takes the Qi River, Qi will be forced to submit. Once Qin achieves its will east of the mountains, it will certainly turn its armor toward Zhao. Once Qin's troops cross the Yellow River, ford the Zhang, and seize Fanwu, the battle will be fought beneath the walls of Handan. This is what I worry about on Your Majesty's behalf.

At present, among the established states east of the mountains, none is stronger than Zhao. Zhao's territory extends two thousand li, its armored troops number in the hundreds of thousands, its chariots number a thousand, its cavalry ten thousand, and its grain stores can last ten years. To the west lies Changshan, to the south the Yellow River and Zhang, to the east the Qing River, to the north Yan. Yan is inherently weak and not to be feared.

Moreover, of all the states Qin fears, none compares to Zhao. Yet Qin does not dare to attack Zhao — why? Because it fears Han and Wei might threaten its rear. Han and Wei are thus Zhao's southern shield. But Qin's approach to Han and Wei is different: there are no great mountains or rivers to block its advance. It nibbles them away bit by bit until it reaches their capitals. When Han and Wei can no longer resist Qin, they will submit. Once they submit, Qin has no barrier — and the disaster falls directly on Zhao.

I have studied the map of All-Under-Heaven. The combined territory of the feudal lords is five times that of Qin; their combined troops are ten times Qin's. If six states join forces as one and march west against Qin, Qin will certainly be crushed. Yet now they are being defeated by Qin, facing west to serve it, becoming its subjects. To defeat others versus being defeated by others, to make others your subjects versus becoming a subject yourself — how can these be spoken of in the same breath?

The advocates of east-west alignment all wish to carve up the feudal lords' territory and hand it to Qin as a settlement. Once they settle with Qin, they get their high terraces and fine palaces, their music and gourmet food, their beautiful women and clever laughter — and then when Qin's calamity comes, they share none of the trouble. Thus the horizontal-alliance men labor day and night to frighten the feudal lords with Qin's power, demanding territorial cessions. I beg Your Majesty to consider this carefully.

I have heard that an enlightened king cuts off doubt, dismisses slander, stops the spread of rumors, and blocks the door to factionalism. Thus I may at last present my loyal plan for honoring Your Majesty, expanding your territory, and strengthening your army.

My fundamental plan for Your Majesty is this: unite Han, Wei, Qi, Chu, Yan, and Zhao in a six-state north-south alliance to repel Qin. Have the generals and ministers of All-Under-Heaven convene above the Huan River, exchange hostages, and slaughter a white horse to swear an oath:

'If Qin attacks Chu, Qi and Wei each dispatch elite forces to aid it, Han cuts Qin's supply lines, Zhao crosses the Yellow River and Zhang, and Yan guards north of Changshan. If Qin attacks Han or Wei, Chu cuts off Qin's rear, Qi dispatches elite forces, Zhao crosses the Yellow River and Zhang, and Yan guards Yunzhong. If Qin attacks Qi, Chu cuts off its rear, Han holds Chenggao, Wei blocks the Wu Road, Zhao crosses the Yellow River, Zhang, and Boguan, and Yan dispatches elite forces. If Qin attacks Yan, Zhao holds Changshan, Chu garrisons Wuguan, Qi crosses the Bohai, and Han and Wei dispatch elite forces. If Qin attacks Zhao, Han garrisons Yiyang, Chu garrisons Wuguan, Wei garrisons Hewai, Qi crosses the Bohai, and Yan dispatches elite forces. Any state that first breaks the pact will be attacked by the other five.'

With six states united in kinship to repel Qin, Qin will certainly not dare send troops out of Hangu Pass to harm the states east of the mountains. Then the hegemonic enterprise will be accomplished."

The King of Zhao says: "I am young and have governed for only a short time. I have never had the chance to hear the long-term strategy for the state. Now that an honored guest has come with the intention of preserving All-Under-Heaven and securing the feudal lords, I respectfully commit my state to the alliance."

He enfeoffs Su Qin as Lord of Wu'an, and equips him with a hundred decorated chariots, a thousand yi of gold, a hundred pairs of white jade disks, and a thousand bolts of brocade to negotiate with the other feudal lords.

Notes

1context

This is the grand pitch — Su Qin's famous proposal for the north-south coalition (合縱) against Qin, arguably the most important diplomatic speech in the Zhanguoce. The mutual-defense pact he outlines is remarkably specific: each state has a designated role depending on which state Qin attacks. It reads like a NATO charter written by a traveling salesman.

2person奉陽君Fèngyáng Jūn

Lord Fengyang (奉陽君) is Li Dui again. Su Qin diplomatically notes that Li Dui's monopoly on power prevented the king from hearing honest counsel — a polite way of saying 'your late minister was blocking everyone who might have helped you.'

3translation

The term 合從 (hezong, 'joining vertically') refers to the north-south alliance of the six eastern states against Qin. Its opposite, 連橫 (lianheng, 'linking horizontally'), refers to bilateral alignments with Qin. The metaphor derives from geography: the six states are arrayed roughly north-south, while Qin sits to the west, so 'vertical' unites the six and 'horizontal' connects each to Qin.

4place

The Huan River (洹水) is in modern Anyang, Henan — a symbolically central location where the allied states could convene. The white-horse oath (刑白馬) was a standard covenant ritual.

5context

Su Qin's description of the horizontal-alliance men is delicious: they scare the feudal lords with Qin's power, arrange for territorial cessions, and in return get 'high terraces, fine palaces, music, gourmet food, and beautiful women.' When Qin eventually shows up to collect, these men are conveniently uninvolved. It is a portrait of the wartime consultant who gets paid to manage the decline.

秦攻趙

Qin Attacks Zhao; Su Qin Argues for Restraint

秦攻趙,蘇子為謂秦王曰:「臣聞明王之於其民也,博論而技藝之,是故官無乏事而力不困;於其言也,多聽而時用之,是故事無敗業而惡不章。臣願王察臣之所謁,而效之於一時之用也。臣聞懷重寶者,不以夜行;任大功者,不以輕敵。是以賢者任重而行恭,知者功大則辭順。故民不惡其尊,而世不妬其業。臣聞之:百倍之國者,民不樂後也;功業高世者,人主不再行也;力盡之民,仁者不用也;求得而反靜,聖主之制也;功大而息民,用兵之道也。今用兵終身不休,力盡不罷,趙怒必於其己邑,趙僅存哉!然而四輪之國也,今雖得邯鄲,非國之長利也。意者地廣而不耕,民羸不休,又嚴之以刑罰,則雖從而不止矣。語曰:『戰勝而國危者,物不斷也。功大而權輕者,地不入也。』故過任之事,父不得於子;無已之求,君不得於臣。故微之為著者強,察乎息民之為用者伯,明乎輕之為重者王。」

秦王曰:「寡人案兵息民,則天下必為從,將以逆秦。」蘇子曰:「臣有以知天下之不能為從以逆秦也。臣以田單、如耳為大過也。豈獨田單、如耳大為過哉?天下之主亦盡過矣!夫慮收亡齊、罷楚、敝魏與不可知之趙,欲以窮秦折韓,臣以為至愚也。夫齊威、宣,世之賢主也,德博而地廣,國富而用民,將武而兵強。宣王用之,後富韓威魏,以南伐楚,西攻秦,為齊兵困於殽塞之上,十年攘地,秦人遠跡不服,而齊為虛戾。夫齊兵之所以破,韓、魏之所以僅存者,何也?是則伐楚攻秦,而後受其殃也。今富非有齊威、宣之餘也,精兵非有富韓勁魏之庫也,而將非有田單、司馬之慮也。收破齊、罷楚、敝魏、不可知之趙,欲以窮秦折韓,臣以為至誤。臣以從一不可成也。客有難者,今臣有患於世。夫刑名之家,皆曰『白馬非馬』也。已如白馬實馬,乃使有白馬之為也。此臣之所患也。

「昔者秦人下兵攻懷,服其人,三國從之。趙奢、鮑佞將,楚有四人起而從之。臨懷而不救,秦人去而不從。不識三國之憎秦而愛懷邪?忘其憎懷而愛秦邪?夫攻而不救,去而不從,是以三國之兵因,而趙奢、鮑佞之能也。故裂地以敗於齊。田單將齊之良,以兵橫行於中十四年,終身不敢設兵以攻秦折韓也,而馳於封內,不識從之一成惡存也。」

於是秦王解兵不出於境,諸侯休,天下安,二十九年不相攻。

Qin attacks Zhao. Su Qin addresses the King of Qin on Zhao's behalf:

"I have heard that an enlightened king broadly discusses and trains his people's skills, so that offices never lack for work and the people's strength is never exhausted. In matters of counsel, he listens widely and employs advice at the right moment, so that no enterprise fails and no evil goes unchecked. I beg Your Majesty to examine what I present and test its utility.

I have heard that one who carries a great treasure does not travel by night, and one charged with a great mission does not take the enemy lightly. Thus the worthy man bears heavy responsibility with humble conduct, and the wise man, when his achievements are great, speaks with deference. So the people do not resent his rank, and the world does not envy his accomplishments.

A state that has increased its territory a hundredfold — the people do not enjoy being pushed further. A ruler whose achievements tower above his age does not repeat the same campaigns. A humane man does not exploit people whose strength is spent. To obtain what one seeks and then return to quiet — this is the sage ruler's principle. Great achievement followed by rest for the people — this is the way of using troops.

Now you wage war without cease, exhausting your people without reprieve. Zhao's fury is directed at its own cities. Zhao barely survives! And yet it is a state on four wheels — even if you take Handan, it is not a lasting gain. If you expand territory but leave it uncultivated, if the people are emaciated and never rested, if you press them further with punishments, then even those who submit will not stay. The saying goes: 'He who wins battles but endangers his state has failed to make the decisive cut. He who achieves greatly but holds power lightly finds territory does not come in.' Tasks beyond capacity — a father cannot impose them on his son. Demands without end — a lord cannot impose them on his ministers.

Thus: the one who turns the subtle into the manifest is strong; the one who understands that resting the people is itself a use of power becomes hegemon; the one who grasps that lightness becomes weight becomes king."

The King of Qin says: "If I rest my troops and give my people respite, All-Under-Heaven will certainly form a north-south coalition to oppose me."

Su Qin says: "I know for certain that All-Under-Heaven cannot form a coalition to oppose Qin. I consider Tian Dan and Ru Er to have been greatly mistaken — and not they alone: every ruler in All-Under-Heaven has been equally mistaken. To think of rallying a ruined Qi, an exhausted Chu, a tattered Wei, and an unpredictable Zhao in order to exhaust Qin and break Han — that I consider the height of folly.

Dukes Wei and Xuan of Qi were worthy rulers of their age — broad in virtue, vast in territory, rich in state resources, with capable generals and powerful armies. King Xuan employed all this to enrich Han and overawe Wei, marched south against Chu and west against Qin, until Qi's forces were pinned down at the Xiao Pass for ten years, seizing territory while Qin refused to submit — and Qi was left exhausted and ruined. The reason Qi's armies were shattered and Han and Wei barely survived is precisely that they attacked Chu and Qin and then suffered the consequences.

Now, current wealth does not match the reserves of Qi under Wei and Xuan. Current elite forces do not match the arsenals of a wealthy Han and a powerful Wei. Current generals do not match the planning of Tian Dan or Sima. To rally a broken Qi, exhausted Chu, tattered Wei, and unpredictable Zhao to exhaust Qin and break Han — I consider this the greatest error.

I hold that the coalition cannot succeed even once. Some may object, but I have a deeper concern. The School of Names all say 'a white horse is not a horse.' But if a white horse really is a horse, then let them use one as such. This is what I worry about.

Formerly, when Qin sent troops down to attack Huai and subdued its people, three states followed. Zhao She and Bao Ning commanded; Chu raised four men to join them. They advanced on Huai but did not rescue it; Qin withdrew, and they did not pursue. Did the three states hate Qin and love Huai? Or forget their hatred of Huai and love Qin? That they did not rescue the attacked and did not pursue the retreating was the result of the three states' forces being stymied and Zhao She and Bao Ning's 'ability.' The result was territorial loss and defeat by Qi.

Tian Dan led Qi's best troops and dominated the central states for fourteen years, yet never once dared attack Qin or break Han — he merely rode about within his own borders. I do not see that the coalition has ever succeeded even once."

At this, the King of Qin withdraws his troops and does not send them beyond the borders. The feudal lords rest. All-Under-Heaven is at peace. For twenty-nine years, they do not attack one another.

Notes

1context

Here Su Qin switches sides entirely — or rather, shows his versatility. Having just organized the anti-Qin coalition in section 1, he now argues to the King of Qin that the coalition can never work. Both arguments are made with equal conviction. The Zhanguoce is not embarrassed by this contradiction; the point is that a skilled persuader can argue anything. The text's interest is in rhetoric, not consistency.

2context

The 'white horse is not a horse' reference is to the famous paradox of Gongsun Long (公孫龍), a logician of the School of Names. Su Qin is comparing the coalition theorists to sophists: they can argue that an alliance of weak states equals a strong state, just as Gongsun Long argues that a white horse is not a horse. In both cases, the clever argument collapses on contact with reality.

3context

The claim that twenty-nine years of peace followed this speech is almost certainly an exaggeration, but the text presents it as a direct consequence of Su Qin's persuasion — crediting a single well-delivered argument with decades of interstate stability. The Zhanguoce believes in the power of words.

張儀為秦連橫說趙王

Zhang Yi Pitches the East-West Alignment to the King of Zhao

張儀為秦連橫,說趙王曰:「弊邑秦王使臣敢獻書於大王御史。大王收率天下以擯秦,秦兵不敢出函谷關十五年矣。大王之威,行於天下山東。弊邑恐懼懾伏,繕甲厲兵,飾車騎,習馳射,力田積粟,守四封之內,愁居懾處,不敢動搖,唯大王有意督過之也。今秦以大王之力,西舉巴蜀,並漢中,東收兩周而西遷九鼎,守白馬之津。秦雖辟遠,然而心忿悁含怒之日久矣。今宣君有微甲鈍兵,軍於澠池,願渡河逾漳,據番吾,迎戰邯鄲之下。願以甲子之日合戰,以正殷紂之事。敬使臣先以聞於左右。

「凡大王之所信以為從者,恃蘇秦之計。熒惑諸侯,以是為非,以非為是。欲反覆齊國而不能,自令車裂於齊之市。夫天下之不可一亦明矣。今楚與秦為昆弟之國,而韓、魏稱為東蕃之臣,齊獻魚鹽之地,此斷趙之右臂也。夫斷右臂而求與人斗,失其黨而孤居,求欲無危,豈可得哉?今秦發三將軍,一軍塞午道,告齊使興師渡清河,軍於邯鄲之東;一軍軍於成皋,敺韓、魏而軍於河外;一軍軍於澠池。約曰,四國為一以攻趙,破趙而四分其地。是故不敢匿意隱情,先以聞於左右。臣切為大王計,莫如與秦遇於澠池,面相見而身相結也。臣請案兵無攻,願大王之定計。」

趙王曰:「先王之時,奉陽君相,專權擅勢,蔽晦先王,獨斷官事。寡人宮居,屬於師傅,不能與國謀。先王棄群臣,寡人年少,奉祠祭之日淺,私心固竊疑焉。以為一從不事秦,非國之長利也。乃且願變心易慮,剖地謝前過以事秦。方將約車趨行,而適聞使者之明詔。」於是乃以車三百乘入朝澠池,割河間以事秦。

Zhang Yi, promoting the east-west alignment on Qin's behalf, addresses the King of Zhao:

"The King of our humble state of Qin has sent your servant to respectfully present a letter to Your Majesty's court.

Your Majesty has rallied All-Under-Heaven to repel Qin, and for fifteen years Qin's troops have not dared emerge from Hangu Pass. Your Majesty's authority extends throughout the states east of the mountains. Our humble state has trembled in fear, mending its armor, sharpening its blades, equipping its chariots and cavalry, drilling in riding and archery, tilling the fields and storing grain, guarding its borders, anxious and terrified, not daring to stir — all because Your Majesty has deigned to supervise us.

But now, by Your Majesty's own power, Qin has conquered Ba and Shu to the west, annexed Hanzhong, recovered the Two Zhous to the east, relocated the Nine Cauldrons, and guards the ford of Baima. Though Qin is remote, its heart has seethed with pent-up rage for a long time.

Now a certain gentleman has raised a modest force with dull weapons and is stationed at Mianchi, wishing to cross the Yellow River, ford the Zhang, seize Fanwu, and fight the decisive battle beneath the walls of Handan. He proposes to join battle on the jiazi day, to settle matters as was done with the Shang tyrant Zhou. He has respectfully sent your servant ahead to inform Your Majesty.

All that Your Majesty has relied on for the coalition is Su Qin's strategy. He dazzled the feudal lords, calling right wrong and wrong right. He tried to subvert Qi and failed — and was torn apart by chariots in Qi's marketplace. That All-Under-Heaven cannot be unified is now obvious.

Today Chu and Qin are brother states. Han and Wei declare themselves Qin's eastern vassals. Qi has offered its fish-and-salt territories. This amounts to severing Zhao's right arm. To fight with a severed right arm, to have lost your allies and sit alone — to seek safety under such conditions, how is that possible?

Now Qin has dispatched three armies: one to block the Wu Road, with orders for Qi to raise troops, cross the Qing River, and camp east of Handan; one camped at Chenggao, driving Han and Wei to station forces beyond the Yellow River; one camped at Mianchi. The agreement is: four states unite to attack Zhao, and after defeating Zhao, divide its territory four ways.

I therefore dare not conceal my meaning but reveal it to Your Majesty first. In my considered opinion, the best plan for Your Majesty is to meet with Qin at Mianchi, see each other face to face, and bind yourselves in person. I will request that Qin rest its troops and refrain from attacking. I beg Your Majesty to settle your decision."

The King of Zhao says: "In my late father's time, Lord Fengyang served as chancellor and monopolized power, keeping my father in the dark and making all decisions regarding officials. I was confined to the palace under my tutors, unable to participate in affairs of state. When my father passed away, I was young and had performed the ancestral rites for only a short time. Privately, I had always harbored doubts. I believed that maintaining the coalition without serving Qin was not in the state's long-term interest. I was already inclined to change my thinking, cede territory, apologize for past offenses, and serve Qin. I was about to order my carriages and depart when I heard of your envoy's instructions."

Thereupon he enters court at Mianchi with three hundred chariots and cedes the Hejian region to serve Qin.

Notes

1person張儀Zhāng Yí

Zhang Yi (張儀, d. 309 BC) was the chief proponent of the east-west alignment (連橫) with Qin, and Su Qin's great rival in the traditional account. His speech here is masterful intimidation dressed as diplomacy: the opening two paragraphs are entirely sarcastic praise ('we trembled in fear at your greatness — and in the meantime conquered everything').

2context

Zhang Yi's claim that Su Qin was 'torn apart by chariots in Qi's marketplace' (車裂) is presented as evidence that the coalition strategy was a failure. Whether or not the historical Su Qin actually died this way is debated, but the rhetorical point is clear: the man behind the coalition came to a bad end, and so will the policy.

3context

The King of Zhao's capitulation is almost embarrassingly eager — he claims he was already planning to submit to Qin before Zhang Yi even showed up. This is either genuine cowardice or the diplomatic fiction of a ruler who wants to surrender but needs the fig leaf of having been 'persuaded' to do so.

4place

Mianchi (澠池) is in modern Henan. It later becomes famous as the site of the 279 BC meeting between the kings of Qin and Zhao, where Lin Xiangru defended Zhao's honor.

武靈王平晝閒居

King Wuling of Zhao Proposes Adopting Hu Clothing and Mounted Archery

武靈王平晝閒居,肥義侍坐,曰:「王慮世事之變,權甲兵之用,念簡、襄之跡,計胡、狄之利乎?」王曰:「嗣立不忘先德,君之道也;錯質務明主之長,臣之論也。是以賢君靜而有道民便事之教,動有明古先世之功。為人臣者,窮有弟長辭讓之節,通有補民益主之業。此兩者,君臣之分也。今吾欲繼襄主之業,啟胡、翟之鄉,而卒世不見也。敵弱者,用力少而功多,可以無盡百姓之勞,而享往古之勛。夫有高世之功者,必負遺俗之累;有獨知之慮者,必被庶人之恐。今吾將胡服騎射以教百姓,而世必議寡人矣。」

肥義曰:「臣聞之,疑事無功,疑行無名。今王即定負遺俗之慮,殆毋顧天下之議矣。夫論至德者不和於俗,成大功者不謀於眾。昔舜舞有苗,而禹袒入裸國,非以養欲而樂志也,欲以論德而要功也。愚者暗於成事,智者見於未萌,王其遂行之。」王曰:「寡人非疑胡服也,吾恐天下笑之。狂夫之樂,知者哀焉;愚者之笑,賢者戚焉。世有順我者,則胡服之功未可知也。雖敺世以笑我,胡地中山吾必有之。」

王遂胡服。使王孫緤告公子成曰:「寡人胡服,且將以朝,亦欲叔之服之也。家聽於親,國聽於君,古今之公行也。子不反親,臣不逆主,先王之通誼也。今寡人作教易服,而叔不服,吾恐天下議之也。夫制國有常,而利民為本;從政有經,而令行為上。故明德在於論賤,行政在於信貴。今胡服之意,非以養欲而樂志也。事有所出,功有所止。事成功立,然後德且見也。今寡人恐叔逆從政之經,以輔公叔之議。且寡人聞之,事利國者行無邪,因貴戚者名不累。故寡人願募公叔之義,以成胡服之功。使緤謁之叔,請服焉。」

公子成再拜曰:「臣固聞王之胡服也,不佞寢疾,不能趨走,是以不先進。王今命之,臣固敢竭其愚忠。臣聞之:中國者,聰明叡知之所居也,萬物財用之所聚也,賢聖之所教也。仁義之所施也,詩書禮樂之所用也,異敏技藝之所試也,遠方之所觀赴也,蠻夷之所義行也。今王釋此,而襲遠方之服,變古之教,易古之道,逆人之心,畔學者,離中國,臣願大王圖之。」

使者報王。王曰:「吾固聞叔之病也。」即之公叔成家,自請之曰:「夫服者,所以便用也;禮者,所以便事也。是以聖人觀其鄉而順宜,因其事而制禮,所以利其民而厚其國也。被發文身,錯臂左衽,甌越之民也。黑齒雕題,鯷冠秫縫,大吳之國也。禮服不同,其便一也。是以鄉異而用變,事異而禮易。是故聖人苟可以利其民,不一其用;果可以便其事,不同其禮。儒者一師而禮異,中國同俗而教離,又況山谷之便乎?故去就之變,知者不能一;遠近之服,賢聖不能同。窮鄉多異,曲學多辨。不知而不疑,異於己而不非者,公於求善也。今卿之所言者,俗也。吾之所言者,所以制俗也。今吾國東有河、薄洛之水,與齊、中山同之,而無舟楫之用。自常山以至代、上黨,東有燕、東胡之境,西有樓煩、秦、韓之邊,而無騎射之備。故寡人且聚舟楫之用,求水居之民,以守河、薄洛之水;變服騎射,以備其參胡、樓煩、秦、韓之邊。且昔者簡主不塞晉陽,以及上黨,而襄王兼戎取代,以攘諸胡,此愚知之所明也。先時中山負齊之強兵,侵掠吾地,繫纍吾民,引水圍鄗,非社稷之神靈,即鄗幾不守。先王忿之,其怨未能報也。今騎射之服,近可以備上黨之形,遠可以報中山之怨。而叔也順中國之俗以逆簡、襄之意,惡變服之名而忘國事之恥,非寡人所望於子!」

公子成再拜稽首曰:「臣愚不達於王之議,敢道世俗之間。今欲斷簡、襄之意,以順先王之志,臣敢不聽令。」再拜,乃賜胡服。

趙文進諫曰:「農夫勞而君子養焉,政之經也。愚者陳意而知者論焉,教之道也。臣無隱忠,君無蔽言,國之祿也。臣雖愚,願竭其忠。」王曰:「慮無惡擾,忠無過罪,子其言乎。」趙文曰:「當世輔俗,古之道也。衣服有常,禮之制也。修法無愆,民之職也。三者,先聖之所以教。今君釋此,而襲遠方之服,變教之古,易古之道,故臣願王之圖之。」

王曰:「子言世俗之間。常民溺於習俗,學者沉於所聞。此兩者,所以成官而順政也,非所以觀遠而論始也。且夫三代不同服而王,五伯不同教而政。知者作教,而愚者制焉。賢者議俗,不肖者拘焉。夫制於服之民。不足與論心;拘於俗之眾,不足與致意。故勢與俗化,而禮與變俱,聖人之道也。承教而動,循法無私,民之職也。知學之人,能與聞遷,達於禮之變,能與時化。故為己者不待人,制今者不法古,子其釋之。」

趙造諫曰:「隱忠不竭,奸之屬也。以私誣國,賊之類也。犯奸者身死,賤國者族宗。反此兩者,先聖之明刑,臣下之大罪也。臣雖愚,願盡其忠,無遁其死。」王曰:「竭意不諱,忠也。上無蔽言,明也。忠不辟危,明不距人。子其言乎。」

趙造曰:「臣聞之,聖人不易民而教,知者不變俗而動。因民而教者,不勞而成功;據俗而動者,慮徑而易見也。今王易初不循俗,胡服不顧世,非所以教民而成禮也。且服奇者志淫,俗辟者亂民。是以蒞國者不襲奇辟之服,中國不近蠻夷之行,非所以教民而成禮者也。且循法無過,修禮無邪,臣願王之圖之。」

王曰:「古今不同俗,何古之法?帝王不相襲,何禮之循?宓戲、神農教而不誅,黃帝、堯、舜誅而不怒。及至三王,觀時而製法,因事而制禮,法度制令,各順其宜;衣服器械,各便其用。故禮世不必一其道,便國不必法古。聖人之興也,不相襲而王。夏、殷之衰也,不易禮而滅。然則反古未可非,而循禮未足多也。且服奇而志淫,是鄒、魯無奇行也;俗辟而民易,是吳、越無俊民也。是以聖人利身之謂服,便事之謂教,進退之謂節,衣服之制,所以齊常民,非所以論賢者也。故聖與俗流,賢與變俱。諺曰:『以書為御者,不盡於馬之情。以古制今者,不達於事之變。』故循法之功,不足以高世;法古之學,不足以制今。子其勿反也。」

King Wuling sits at leisure during the day. Fei Yi attends at his side and asks: "Is Your Majesty pondering the changes in the world, weighing the use of arms, reflecting on the achievements of Lords Jian and Xiang, and calculating how to exploit the Hu and Di peoples?"

The king says: "To succeed to the throne without forgetting one's ancestors' virtue — that is the way of a ruler. To devote oneself to illuminating the lord's strengths — that is the role of a minister. Thus a worthy ruler in quiet times has the Way and teachings that benefit the people; in action, he achieves the brilliant deeds of the ancients. Now I wish to continue Lord Xiang's enterprise and open the Hu and Di territories, yet I fear I will die without seeing it done.

Where enemies are weak, little force brings great results — one can avoid exhausting the people while enjoying the glory of antiquity. But he who achieves what towers above his age must bear the burden of abandoning convention; he who has insights no one else possesses must endure the common people's fear.

Now I intend to adopt Hu clothing and mounted archery to train my people — and the world will surely criticize me."

Fei Yi says: "I have heard that hesitation in affairs produces no results, and hesitation in action wins no reputation. Since Your Majesty has resolved to bear the burden of defying convention, you should not concern yourself with the world's opinion. Those who discuss the highest virtue do not conform to custom; those who accomplish great deeds do not consult the crowd. In ancient times, Shun danced before the Youmiao people, and Yu bared his body to enter a land of the naked — not to indulge desire, but to demonstrate virtue and achieve results. The foolish are blind to accomplished facts; the wise see what has not yet sprouted. May Your Majesty carry this through."

The king says: "I do not doubt the Hu clothing policy itself. What I fear is the world's laughter. A madman's joy makes the wise man grieve; a fool's laughter makes the worthy man sorrow. But if the age has those who follow me, then the achievements of Hu clothing cannot yet be known. Even if the whole world laughs at me, I will certainly possess the Hu territories and Zhongshan."

The king adopts Hu clothing. He sends Wang Sun Xie to tell Prince Cheng: "I have adopted Hu clothing and intend to wear it at court. I also wish for my uncle to wear it. At home, one follows one's elders; in the state, one follows one's ruler — this is the universal practice of all ages. A son does not defy his parents; a minister does not oppose his lord — this is the accepted principle of the former kings.

Now I have introduced new instruction and changed clothing, yet my uncle does not comply. I fear the world will criticize this. In governing a state there are constants, but benefiting the people is the foundation. In conducting affairs there are norms, but having one's orders obeyed is paramount. The purpose of Hu clothing is not to indulge desire — it is a means to an end. Once the enterprise succeeds, virtue will be seen. I fear my uncle may oppose the norms of governance and support the resistance. I wish to enlist my uncle's sense of duty to accomplish the Hu clothing reform. I have sent Xie to call on my uncle and request his compliance."

Prince Cheng bows twice and says: "I had already heard of Your Majesty's Hu clothing policy. Being unworthy and confined to my sickbed, unable to walk, I had not come forward. Now that Your Majesty commands it, I dare to exhaust my foolish loyalty.

"I have heard that the Central States are where intelligence and wisdom reside, where all goods and resources gather, where sages teach, where benevolence and righteousness are practiced, where the Odes, Documents, Rites, and Music are employed, where extraordinary skills and arts are tested, where distant peoples come to observe, where the barbarians learn right conduct. Now Your Majesty abandons all this to adopt the clothing of remote peoples, changing the ancient teachings and altering the ancient Way, going against the people's hearts, departing from scholarship, leaving the Central States behind. I beg Your Majesty to reconsider."

The envoy reports back. The king says: "I expected my uncle to be ill." He goes in person to Prince Cheng's home and addresses him directly:

"Clothing exists for convenience; ritual exists to facilitate affairs. The sage observes local conditions and follows what is appropriate, adapting ritual to circumstances in order to benefit the people and strengthen the state. Loose hair and tattooed bodies, crossed arms and left-folding lapels — that is the custom of the Ou-Yue people. Blackened teeth and carved foreheads, fish-bone caps and millet-fiber seams — that is the kingdom of Great Wu. Their rites and clothing differ, but their convenience is the same.

Thus when localities differ, usages change; when circumstances differ, rites change. If the sage can benefit the people, he does not insist on uniform practice. If something genuinely facilitates affairs, he does not require identical rites. Confucians study under one master yet diverge in ritual; the Central States share customs yet split in teaching — how much more so the conveniences of mountain valleys?

What you speak of is convention. What I speak of is how to shape convention.

Our state has the Yellow River and the Boluo River to the east, sharing them with Qi and Zhongshan, yet we have no naval capacity. From Changshan to Dai and Shangdang, with Yan and the Eastern Hu to the east and the Loufan, Qin, and Han on the western border, we have no mounted archery capability. Therefore I intend to develop naval forces to guard the rivers, and to adopt Hu clothing and mounted archery to defend our borders against the Hu, Loufan, Qin, and Han.

In former times, Lord Jian did not block Jinyang but extended to Shangdang, and Lord Xiang annexed the Rong and took Dai, driving back the various Hu peoples — even the simplest person understands this. Zhongshan once relied on Qi's strong forces to invade our territory, capture our people, and divert water to besiege Hao. Were it not for the spirits of our altars, Hao would scarcely have held. The late king's fury at this remains unavenged.

Now, the clothing of mounted archery can defend the terrain of Shangdang in the near term and avenge our grudge against Zhongshan in the long term. Yet my uncle follows the customs of the Central States to defy the intentions of Lords Jian and Xiang, hating the name of changed clothing while forgetting the shame of national defeat. This is not what I expected from you!"

Prince Cheng bows twice, touching his head to the ground: "I was foolish and did not understand Your Majesty's reasoning. I dared only to repeat common opinion. Now that you wish to carry out Lords Jian and Xiang's intentions and fulfill the late king's ambitions, how dare I not obey?" He bows twice and is given Hu clothing.

Zhao Wen steps forward to remonstrate: "Farmers toil and gentlemen are nourished by it — this is the norm of government. The foolish present their views and the wise discuss them — this is the way of instruction. Ministers do not conceal their loyalty; rulers do not suppress speech — this is the state's blessing. Though I am foolish, I wish to exhaust my loyalty."

The king says: "Thought that causes no harm, loyalty that incurs no guilt — speak."

Zhao Wen says: "Following the times and supporting customs is the ancient way. Clothing has its norms — this is the regulation of ritual. Following the law without error is the people's duty. These three things are what the ancient sages taught. Now Your Majesty abandons them and adopts remote peoples' clothing. I beg Your Majesty to reconsider."

The king says: "You speak of common opinion. Ordinary people are drowned in habit; scholars are sunk in what they have been told. These two types of people are suited to filling offices and carrying out policy — they are not the ones to take a broad view or think from first principles. The Three Dynasties did not share the same clothing, yet all became kings. The Five Hegemons did not share the same teachings, yet all governed effectively. The wise create teachings; the foolish are governed by them. The worthy reshape customs; the mediocre are bound by them. Those bound by clothing are not worth discussing heart and mind with; the crowd constrained by custom is not worth engaging on matters of substance.

Therefore: power transforms along with custom, and ritual changes along with circumstance — this is the sage's way. To receive instruction and act, to follow the law without partiality — this is the people's duty. The learned can adapt when they hear of change; those versed in ritual can evolve with the times. He who acts for himself does not wait for others; he who shapes the present does not imitate the past. Let it go."

Zhao Zao steps forward to remonstrate: "To conceal loyalty and not exhaust it is a form of treachery. To serve private interests under the guise of serving the state is a form of subversion. Traitors die; those who debase the state see their clans extinguished. To reverse these two crimes was the ancient sages' clear punishment and the minister's gravest offense. Though I am foolish, I wish to exhaust my loyalty without evading death."

The king says: "To speak one's mind without evasion is loyalty. For a ruler to have no suppressed speech is clarity. Loyalty does not avoid danger; clarity does not reject people. Speak."

Zhao Zao says: "I have heard that the sage does not change the people in order to teach them, and the wise man does not change customs in order to act. Teaching that follows the people succeeds without effort; action based on existing customs requires short deliberation and produces visible results. Now Your Majesty changes established ways without following custom, adopts Hu clothing without regard for the age — this is not the way to instruct the people and establish proper ritual. Moreover, unusual clothing leads to dissolute minds, and deviant customs lead to disordered people. Therefore rulers do not adopt strange and deviant clothing, and the Central States do not adopt the practices of barbarians. I beg Your Majesty to reconsider."

The king says: "Ancient and modern do not share customs — what antiquity should we follow? Kings do not imitate their predecessors — what ritual should we adhere to? Fuxi and Shennong taught without punishment; the Yellow Emperor, Yao, and Shun punished without anger. By the time of the Three Kings, they observed their times and made laws, adapted to circumstances and created rites. Laws and regulations each suited their era; clothing and implements each served their purpose.

Therefore ritual need not follow a single path across ages, and benefiting the state need not imitate the past. When sages arose, they did not copy their predecessors, yet they became kings. When the Xia and Shang declined, they did not change their rites, yet they perished. Thus returning to the past cannot be condemned, but following established rites is nothing to boast of either.

You say that unusual clothing leads to dissolute minds — does that mean Zou and Lu have no unusual conduct? You say deviant customs lead to easily swayed people — does that mean Wu and Yue have no outstanding men?

The sage calls clothing what benefits the body, calls instruction what facilitates affairs, calls propriety what governs advance and retreat. The regulation of clothing is for standardizing common people — it is not for evaluating the worthy. Therefore the sage flows with custom; the worthy evolves with change.

The proverb says: 'He who drives by the book does not fully understand the horse's nature. He who governs the present by the rules of the past does not grasp how circumstances change.'

Therefore, the merits of following established law are not enough to rise above the age, and the scholarship of imitating the past is not enough to govern the present. Do not persist in your opposition."

Notes

1person趙武靈王Zhào Wǔlíng Wáng

King Wuling of Zhao (趙武靈王, r. 325–299 BC) is one of the most remarkable rulers of the Warring States. His 'Hu clothing and mounted archery' (胡服騎射) reform — adopting nomadic-style trousers and cavalry tactics in place of traditional Chinese robes and chariot warfare — was one of the most consequential military reforms in Chinese history. He later abdicated in favor of his son and died imprisoned in the Sandbox Palace (沙丘宮) in 295 BC.

2context

This is one of the great reform debates in Chinese literature. The objections — that adopting barbarian dress means abandoning civilization — represent a strand of Chinese thought that equated cultural forms with moral substance. Wuling's counterargument — that sages adapt to circumstances and that clinging to tradition is the mark of mediocrity — is essentially a pragmatist manifesto. His line 'He who governs the present by the rules of the past does not grasp how circumstances change' (以古制今者,不達於事之變) became proverbial.

3person肥義Féi Yì

Fei Yi (肥義) was King Wuling's trusted minister. He appears throughout the Hu clothing debate as the king's supporter. His advice — 'Those who discuss the highest virtue do not conform to custom' — gives the king the philosophical ammunition he needs.

4context

Prince Cheng (公子成) represents the conservative opposition, but note how quickly he folds once the king visits him personally and reframes the reform as fulfilling ancestral ambitions. The king is a skilled politician: he converts each objector not by force but by turning their own values against them.

5place

Zhongshan (中山) was the non-Chinese state that had humiliated Zhao by besieging Hao. King Wuling's cavalry reform was explicitly aimed at destroying Zhongshan, which he eventually accomplished in 296 BC.

王立周紹為傅

The King Appoints Zhou Shao as Tutor to the Crown Prince

王立周紹為傅曰:「寡人始行縣,過番吾,當子為子之時,踐石以上者皆道子之孝。故寡人問子以璧,遺子以酒食,而求見子。子謁病而辭。人有言子者曰:『父之孝子,君之忠臣也。』故寡人以子之知慮,為辯足以道人,危足以持難,忠可以寫意,信可以遠期。詩云『服難以勇,治亂以知,事之計也。立傅以行,教少以學,義之經也。循計之事,失而累;訪議之行,窮而不憂。』故寡人慾子之胡服以傅王乎。」

周紹曰:「王失論矣,非賤臣所敢任也。」王曰:「選子莫若父,論臣莫若君。君,寡人也。」周紹曰:「立傅之道六。」王曰:「六者何也?」周紹曰:「知慮不躁達於變,身行寬惠達於禮,威嚴不足以易於位,重利不足以變其心,恭於教而不快,和於下而不危。六者,傅之才,而臣無一焉。隱中不竭,臣之罪也。傅命仆官,以煩有司,吏之恥也。王請更論。」

王曰:「知此六者,所以使子。」周紹曰:「乃國未通於王胡服。雖然,臣,王之臣也,而王重命之,臣敢不聽令乎?」再拜,賜胡服。

王曰:「寡人以王子為子任,欲子之厚愛之,無所見醜。御道之以行義,勿令溺苦於學。事君者,順其意,不逆其志。事先者,明其高,不倍其孤。故有臣可命,其國之祿也。子能行是,以事寡人者畢矣。《書》云:『去邪無疑,任賢勿貳。』寡人與子,不用人矣。」遂賜周紹胡服衣冠,貝帶黃金師比,以傅王子也。

The king appoints Zhou Shao as tutor, saying: "When I first toured the counties and passed through Fanwu, when you were still a commoner, everyone older than could step on a stone spoke of your filial devotion. So I presented you with jade, sent you wine and food, and sought to meet you. You pleaded illness and declined.

Someone told me of you: 'A father's filial son is a ruler's loyal minister.' Therefore I judged your intelligence and deliberation sufficient to guide others, your steadfastness sufficient to endure crisis, your loyalty sufficient to express my will, and your integrity sufficient for long-term commitments.

The Odes say: 'Confront difficulty with courage, govern chaos with wisdom — this is the strategy of affairs. Establish a tutor by his conduct, educate the young through study — this is the norm of duty.'

I wish you to adopt Hu clothing and serve as tutor to the crown prince."

Zhou Shao says: "Your Majesty's assessment is mistaken. This is not something your humble servant dares to undertake."

The king says: "No one judges a son better than his father; no one judges a minister better than his ruler. And the ruler is myself."

Zhou Shao says: "There are six qualities required of a tutor." The king asks what they are.

Zhou Shao says: "Wisdom and deliberation that are steady, not hasty, and adaptable to change. Personal conduct that is generous and gracious, versed in ritual. Authority that is not so imposing as to threaten the prince's position. Incorruptibility that cannot be swayed by profit. Devotion to teaching without complacency. Harmony with subordinates without endangering order. These six are the tutor's talents, and I possess none of them. To conceal my inadequacy without disclosing it would be my crime. To accept the appointment and trouble the officials would be their disgrace. I beg Your Majesty to reconsider."

The king says: "That you know these six qualities is precisely why I choose you."

Zhou Shao says: "But the state has not yet fully accepted Your Majesty's Hu clothing policy. Even so, I am Your Majesty's subject, and since Your Majesty insists, how dare I not obey?" He bows twice and is given Hu clothing.

The king says: "I entrust the crown prince to your care. I wish you to love him deeply and never show him anything base. Guide him with righteous conduct and do not let him suffer miserably under study. He who serves a ruler follows his will without opposing his ambitions. He who serves his forebears illuminates their greatness without betraying their orphans. To have a minister who can be trusted with such a charge is the state's blessing. If you can do this, your service to me is complete.

"The Documents say: 'Dismiss the wicked without hesitation; employ the worthy without wavering.' Between you and me, we need no one else."

He then presents Zhou Shao with Hu-style clothing, cap, shell belt, and golden ornaments, to serve as tutor to the crown prince.

Notes

1person周紹Zhōu Shào

Zhou Shao (周紹) is otherwise obscure; he appears only in connection with King Wuling's reforms. His self-deprecating list of the six qualities he lacks is a conventional show of modesty, but the king's comeback — 'knowing these six qualities is why I chose you' — is a genuinely sharp piece of reasoning.

2context

The appointment of a tutor is also a loyalty test: Zhou Shao must adopt Hu clothing as a condition of the position. The king is systematically converting the senior figures of his court one by one.

趙燕後胡服

Zhao Yan Belatedly Adopts Hu Clothing

趙燕後胡服,王令讓之曰:「事主之行,竭意盡力,微諫而不嘩,應對而不怨,不逆上以自伐,不立私以為名。子道順而不拂,臣行讓而不爭。子用私道者家必亂,臣用私義者國必危。反親以為行,慈父不子;逆主以自成,惠主不臣也。寡人胡服,子獨弗服,逆主罪莫大焉。以從政為累,以逆主為高,行私莫大焉。故寡人恐親犯刑戮之罪,以明有司之法。」趙燕再拜稽首曰:「前吏命胡服,施及賤臣,臣以失令過期,更不用侵辱教,王之惠也。臣敬循衣服,以待今日。」

Zhao Yan is slow to adopt Hu clothing. The king issues a reprimand: "The conduct of one who serves his lord is to exhaust one's mind and strength, to remonstrate gently without making a scene, to respond without resentment, not to defy superiors to glorify oneself, and not to establish private interests to build a reputation.

A son's way is to comply without resistance; a minister's conduct is to defer without contention. A son who follows private principles will bring chaos to his household; a minister who follows private morality will endanger the state.

To defy one's parents in the name of virtue — a loving father will disown such a son. To defy one's lord in the name of self-fulfillment — a generous lord will disown such a minister.

I adopted Hu clothing. You alone have not. To defy one's lord — no crime is greater. To treat political duty as a burden and defiance of the lord as noble — no private act is greater.

Therefore I fear that you may personally incur the punishment of the law, so that the authorities' statutes may be made clear."

Zhao Yan bows twice, touching his head to the ground: "When the officials previously ordered Hu clothing, extending even to your humble servant, I missed the deadline through failure to comply. That I was not subjected to humiliating punishment was Your Majesty's grace. I respectfully don the clothing and have been waiting for this day."

Notes

1context

This is the stick after the carrot. Where Prince Cheng was won over through personal persuasion and philosophical argument, Zhao Yan gets a thinly veiled threat of criminal prosecution. The king's tone is markedly different — cold and legalistic rather than collegial. The message is clear: the window for principled dissent has closed.

王破原陽

The King Takes Yuanyang and Converts It to a Cavalry Base

王破原陽,以為騎邑。牛贊進諫曰:「國有固籍,兵有常經。變籍則亂,失經則弱。今王破原陽,以為騎邑,是變籍而棄經也。且習其兵者輕其敵,便其用者易其難。今民便其用而王變之,是損君而弱國也。故利不百者不變俗,功不什者不易器。今王破卒散兵,以奉騎射,臣恐其攻獲之利,不如所失之費也。」

王曰:「古今異利,遠近易用。陰陽不同道,四時不一宜。故賢人觀時,而不觀於時;制兵,而不制於兵。子知官府之籍,不知器械之利;知兵甲之用,不知陰陽之宜。故兵不當於用,何兵之不可易?教不便於事,何俗之不可變?昔者先君襄主與代交地,城境封之,名曰無窮之門,所以昭後而期遠也。今重甲循兵,不可以踰險;仁義道德,不可以來朝。吾聞信不棄功,知不遺時。今子以官府之籍,亂寡人之事,非子所知。」

牛贊再拜稽首曰:「臣敢不聽令乎?」至遂胡服,率騎入胡,出於遺遺之門,踰九限之固,絕五徑之險,至榆中,闢地千里。

The king takes Yuanyang and converts it into a cavalry base. Niu Zan comes forward to remonstrate:

"The state has fixed registers; the military has established norms. Change the registers and there is chaos; lose the norms and there is weakness. Now Your Majesty has taken Yuanyang and made it a cavalry base — this is changing the registers and discarding the norms. Moreover, those accustomed to their weapons think lightly of the enemy, and those comfortable with their tools find difficulty manageable. Now the people are comfortable with their current tools and Your Majesty changes them — this diminishes the ruler and weakens the state. Therefore, if the benefit is not a hundredfold, do not change customs; if the gain is not tenfold, do not change equipment. Now Your Majesty disbands infantry and disperses the army in order to adopt mounted archery. I fear the gains from attack will not compensate for the costs of what is lost."

The king says: "Ancient and modern have different advantages; near and far require different tools. Yin and yang do not follow the same path; the four seasons are not all the same. The worthy man observes the times without being observed by them; he shapes the military without being shaped by it.

You understand the bureaucracy's registers but not the advantage of new equipment. You understand the use of armor and weapons but not what the times require. If weapons are not suited to their use, why should they not be changed? If teachings do not facilitate affairs, why should customs not be altered?

In former times, Lord Xiang shared borders with Dai, built fortifications, and named the boundary gate 'Gate of the Infinite' — to inspire later generations and look to the distant future. Now, heavy armor and conventional troops cannot cross rough terrain; benevolence, righteousness, and moral teachings cannot bring foreign peoples to court.

I have heard that integrity does not discard achievements, and wisdom does not neglect the times. Now you use the bureaucracy's registers to confuse my enterprise. This is beyond your understanding."

Niu Zan bows twice, touching his head to the ground: "How dare I not obey?"

Thereupon the king adopts Hu clothing, leads his cavalry into Hu territory, passes through the Gate of Yiyi, crosses the nine fortified barriers, traverses the five dangerous passes, reaches Yuzhong, and opens up a thousand li of territory.

Notes

1context

This is the payoff of the Hu clothing reform: a thousand li of new territory. The text places this result immediately after the final objection and its dismissal, structuring the narrative as prophecy-and-fulfillment. The objectors were wrong; the king was right. The Zhanguoce is not always this neat, but when it constructs a reform narrative, it does not leave the outcome ambiguous.

2place

Yuzhong (榆中) is in modern Gansu province, far to the northwest — indicating the extraordinary range of King Wuling's cavalry campaigns. The 'thousand li of territory' opened up by mounted warfare vindicated the entire reform.

3translation

The king's key aphorism — 'The worthy man observes the times without being observed by them; he shapes the military without being shaped by it' (賢人觀時而不觀於時,制兵而不制於兵) — uses a grammatical inversion (active vs. passive 於) that is difficult to render naturally in English but central to the argument: leaders shape circumstances; followers are shaped by them.

Edition & Source

Text
《戰國策》 Zhanguoce
Edition
中華古詩文古書籍網 transcription
Commentary
鮑彪 (Bao Biao) Song dynasty commentary