Salamis

The Battle of Salamis (Book VIII, Sections 40–96)

40. Meanwhile the fleet of the Hellenes after leaving Artemision put in

to land at Salamis at the request of the Athenians: and for this reason

the Athenians requested them to put in to Salamis, namely in order that

they might remove out of Attica to a place of safety their children

and their wives, and also deliberate what they would have to do; for in

their present case they meant to take counsel afresh, because they had

been deceived in their expectation. For they had thought to find the

Peloponnesians in full force waiting for the Barbarians in Boeotia; they

found however nothing of this, but they were informed on the contrary

that the Peloponnesians were fortifying the Isthmus with a wall, valuing

above all things the safety of the Peloponnese and keeping this in

guard; and that they were disposed to let all else go. Being informed of

this, the Athenians therefore made request of them to put in to Salamis.

41. The others then put in their ships to land at Salamis, but the

Athenians went over to their own land; and after their coming they made

a proclamation that every one of the Athenians should endeavour to save

his children and household as best he could. So the greater number sent

them to Troizen, but others to Egina, and others to Salamis, and they

were urgent to put these out of danger, both because they desired

to obey the oracle and also especially for another reason, which was

this:—the Athenians say that a great serpent lives in the temple 25

and guards the Acropolis; and they not only say this, but also they

set forth for it monthly offerings, as if it were really there; and the

offering consists of a honey-cake. This honey-cake, which before

used always to be consumed, was at this time left untouched. When the

priestess had signified this, the Athenians left the city much more and

with greater eagerness than before, seeing that the goddess also had (as

they supposed) left the Acropolis. Then when all their belongings had

been removed out of danger, they sailed to the encampment of the fleet.

42. When those who came from Artemision had put their ships in to land

at Salamis, the remainder of the naval force of the Hellenes, being

informed of this, came over gradually to join them 26 from Troizen:

for they had been ordered beforehand to assemble at Pogon, which is the

harbour of the Troizenians. There were assembled accordingly now many

more ships than those which were in the sea-fight at Artemision, and

from more cities. Over the whole was set as admiral the same man as at

Artemision, namely Eurybiades the son of Eurycleides, a Spartan but not

of the royal house; the Athenians however supplied by far the greatest

number of ships and those which sailed the best.

43. The following were those who joined the muster:—From Peloponnese the

Lacedemonians furnishing sixteen ships, the Corinthians furnishing the

same complement as at Artemision, the Sikyonians furnishing fifteen

ships, the Epidaurians ten, the Troizenians five, the men of Hermion

2601 three, these all, except the Hermionians, being of Doric and

Makednian 27 race and having made their last migration from Erineos

and Pindos and the land of Dryopis; 28 but the people of Hermion are

Dryopians, driven out by Heracles and the Malians from the land which is

now called Doris.

44. These were the Peloponnesians who joined the fleet, and those of

the mainland outside the Peloponnese were as follows:—the Athenians,

furnishing a number larger than all the rest, 29 namely one hundred and

eighty ships, and serving alone, since the Plataians did not take

part with the Athenians in the sea-fight at Salamis, because when the

Hellenes were departing from Artemision and come near Chalkis, the

Plataians disembarked on the opposite shore of Boeotia and proceeded to

the removal of their households. So being engaged in saving these,

they had been left behind. As for the Athenians, in the time when

the Pelasgians occupied that which is now called Hellas, they were

Pelasgians, being named Cranaoi, and in the time of king Kecrops they

came to be called Kecropidai; then when Erechtheus had succeeded to his

power, they had their name changed to Athenians; and after Ion the son

of Xuthos became commander 30 of the Athenians, they got the name from

him of Ionians.

45. The Megarians furnished the same complement as at Artermision; the

Amprakiots came to the assistance of the rest with seven ships, and the

Leucadians with three, these being by race Dorians from Corinth.

46. Of the islanders the Eginetans furnished thirty; these had also

other ships manned, but with them they were guarding their own land,

while with the thirty which sailed best they joined in the sea-fight at

Salamis. Now the Eginetans are Dorians from Epidauros, and their

island had formerly the name of Oinone. After the Eginetans came the

Chalkidians with the twenty ships which were at Artemision, and

the Eretrians with their seven: these are Ionians. Next the Keïans,

furnishing the same as before and being by race Ionians from Athens. The

Naxians furnished four ships, they having been sent out by the citizens

of their State to join the Persians, like the other islanders; but

neglecting these commands they had come to the Hellenes, urged thereto

by Democritos, a man of repute among the citizens and at that time

commander of a trireme. Now the Naxians are Ionians coming originally

from Athens. The Styrians furnished the same ships as at Artemision, and

the men of Kythnos one ship and one fifty-oared galley, these both being

Dryopians. Also the Seriphians, the Siphnians and the Melians served

with the rest; for they alone of the islanders had not given earth and

water to the Barbarian.

47. These all who have been named dwelt inside the land of the

Thesprotians and the river Acheron; for the Thesprotians border upon the

land of the Amprakiots and Leucadians, and these were they who came from

the greatest distance to serve: but of those who dwell outside these

limits the men of Croton were the only people who came to the assistance

of Hellas in her danger; and these sent one ship, of whom the commander

was Phaÿlos, a man who had three times won victories at the Pythian

games. Now the men of Croton are by descent Achaians.

48. All the rest who served in the fleet furnished triremes, but the

Melians, Siphnian and Seriphians fifty-oared galleys: the Melians,

who are by descent from Lacedemon, furnished two, the Siphnians and

Seriphians, who are Ionians from Athens, each one. And the whole number

of the ships, apart from the fifty-oared galleys, was three hundred and

seventy-eight. 31

49. When the commanders had assembled at Salamis from the States

which have been mentioned, they began to deliberate, Eurybiades having

proposed that any one who desired it should declare his opinion as

to where he thought it most convenient to fight a sea-battle in those

regions of which they had command; for Attica had already been let go,

and he was now proposing the question about the other regions. And the

opinions of the speakers for the most part agreed that they should

sail to the Isthmus and there fight a sea-battle in defence of the

Peloponnese, arguing that if they should be defeated in the sea-battle,

supposing them to be at Salamis they would be blockaded in an island,

where no help would come to them, but at the Isthmus they would be able

to land where their own men were.

50. While the commanders from the Peloponnese argued thus, an Athenian

had come in reporting that the Barbarians were arrived in Attica and

that all the land was being laid waste with fire. For the army which

directed its march through Boeotia in company with Xerxes, after it had

burnt the city of the Thespians (the inhabitants having left it and gone

to the Peloponnese) and that of the Plataians likewise, had now come

to Athens and was laying waste everything in those regions. Now he had

burnt Thespiai 3101 and Plataia because he was informed by the Thebans

that these were not taking the side of the Medes.

51. So in three months from the crossing of the Hellespont, whence the

Barbarians began their march, after having stayed there one month while

they crossed over into Europe, they had reached Attica, in the year when

Calliades was archon of the Athenians. And they took the lower city,

which was deserted, and then they found that there were still a few

Athenians left in the temple, either stewards of the temple or needy

persons, who had barred the entrance to the Acropolis with doors and

with a palisade of timber and endeavoured to defend themselves against

the attacks of the enemy, being men who had not gone out to Salamis

partly because of their poverty, and also because they thought that

they alone had discovered the meaning of the oracle which the Pythian

prophetess had uttered to them, namely that the "bulwark of wood" should

be impregnable, and supposed that this was in fact the safe refuge

according to the oracle, and not the ships.

52. So the Persians taking their post upon the rising ground opposite

the Acropolis, which the Athenians call the Hill of Ares, 32 proceeded

to besiege them in this fashion, that is they put tow round about their

arrows and lighted it, and then shot them against the palisade. The

Athenians who were besieged continued to defend themselves nevertheless,

although they had come to the extremity of distress and their palisade

had played them false; nor would they accept proposals for surrender,

when the sons of Peisistratos brought them forward: but endeavouring to

defend themselves they contrived several contrivances against the enemy,

and among the rest they rolled down large stones when the Barbarians

approached the gates; so that for a long time Xerxes was in a

difficulty, not being able to capture them.

53. In time however there appeared for the Barbarians a way of approach

after their difficulties, since by the oracle it was destined that all

of Attica which is on the mainland should come to be under the Persians.

Thus then it happened that on the front side 33 of the Acropolis behind

the gates and the way up to the entrance, in a place where no one was

keeping guard, nor would one have supposed that any man could ascend by

this way, here men ascended by the temple of Aglauros the daughter

of Kecrops, although indeed the place is precipitous: and when the

Athenians saw that they had ascended up to the Acropolis, some of them

threw themselves down from the wall and perished, while others took

refuge in the sanctuary 34 of the temple. Then those of the Persians

who had ascended went first to the gates, and after opening these they

proceeded to kill the suppliants; and when all had been slain by them,

they plundered the temple and set fire to the whole of the Acropolis.

54. Then Xerxes, having fully taken possession of Athens, sent to Susa

a mounted messenger to report to Artabanos the good success which they

had. And on the next day after sending the herald he called together the

exiles of the Athenians who were accompanying him, and bade them go

up to the Acropolis and sacrifice the victims after their own manner;

whether it was that he had seen some vision of a dream which caused him

to give this command, or whether perchance he had a scruple in his

mind because he had set fire to the temple. The Athenian exiles did

accordingly that which was commanded them:

55, and the reason why I made mention of this I will here declare:—there

is in this Acropolis a temple 35 of Erechtheus, who is said to have been

born of the Earth, and in this there is an olive-tree and a sea, which

(according to the story told by the Athenians) Poseidon and Athene,

when they contended for the land, set as witnesses of themselves. Now

it happened to this olive-tree to be set on fire with the rest of the

temple by the Barbarians; and on the next day after the conflagration

those of the Athenians who were commanded by the king to offer

sacrifice, saw when they had gone up to the temple that a shoot had run

up from the stock of the tree about a cubit in length. These then made

report of this.

56. The Hellenes meanwhile at Salamis, when it was announced to them how

it had been as regards the Acropolis of the Athenians, were disturbed so

greatly that some of the commanders did not even wait for the question

to be decided which had been proposed, but began to go hastily to their

ships and to put up their sails, meaning to make off with speed; and by

those of them who remained behind it was finally decided to fight at

sea in defence of the Isthmus. So night came on, and they having been

dismissed from the council were going to their ships:

57, and when Themistocles had come to his ship, Mnesiphilos an Athenian

asked him what they had resolved; and being informed by him that it had

been determined to take out the ships to the Isthmus and fight a battle

by sea in defence of the Peloponnese, he said: "Then, if they set sail

with the ships from Salamis, thou wilt not fight any more sea-battles

at all for the fatherland, for they will all take their way to their

several cities and neither Eurybiades nor any other man will be able

to detain them or to prevent the fleet from being dispersed: and Hellas

will perish by reason of evil counsels. But if there by any means, go

thou and try to unsettle that which has been resolved, if perchance thou

mayest persuade Eurybiades to change his plans, so as to stay here."

58. This advice very much commended itself to Themistocles; and without

making any answer he went to the ship of Eurybiades. Having come thither

he said that he desired to communicate to him a matter which concerned

the common good; and Eurybiades bade him come into his ship and speak,

if he desired to say anything. Then Themistocles sitting down beside

him repeated to him all those things which he had heard Mnesiphilos say,

making as if they were his own thoughts, and adding to them many others;

until at last by urgent request he persuaded him to come out of his ship

and gather the commanders to the council.

59. So when they were gathered together, before Eurybiades proposed

the discussion of the things for which he had assembled the commanders,

Themistocles spoke with much vehemence 36 being very eager to gain his

end; and as he was speaking, the Corinthian commander, Adeimantos the

son of Okytos, said: "Themistocles, at the games those who stand forth

for the contest before the due time are beaten with rods." He justifying

himself said: "Yes, but those who remain behind are not crowned."

60. At that time he made answer mildly to the Corinthian; and to

Eurybiades he said not now any of those things which he had said before,

to the effect that if they should set sail from Salamis they would

disperse in different directions; for it was not seemly for him to bring

charges against the allies in their presence: but he held to another way

of reasoning, saying: "Now it is in thy power to save Hellas, if

thou wilt follow my advice, which is to stay here and here to fight a

sea-battle, and if thou wilt not follow the advice of those among these

men who bid thee remove the ships to the Isthmus. For hear both ways,

and then set them in comparison. If thou engage battle at the Isthmus,

thou wilt fight in an open sea, into which it is by no means convenient

for us that we go to fight, seeing that we have ships which are heavier

and fewer in number than those of the enemy. Then secondly thou wilt

give up to destruction Salamis and Megara and Egina, even if we have

success in all else; for with their fleet will come also the land-army,

and thus thou wilt thyself lead them to the Peloponnese and wilt risk

the safety of all Hellas. If however thou shalt do as I say, thou wilt

find therein all the advantages which I shall tell thee of:—in the first

place by engaging in a narrow place with few ships against many, if the

fighting has that issue which it is reasonable to expect, we shall have

very much the better; for to fight a sea-fight in a narrow space is for

our advantage, but to fight in a wide open space is for theirs. Then

again Salamis will be preserved, whither our children and our wives

have been removed for safety; and moreover there is this also secured

thereby, to which ye are most of all attached, namely that by remaining

here thou wilt fight in defence of the Peloponnese as much as if

the fight were at the Isthmus; and thou wilt not lead the enemy to

Peloponnese, if thou art wise. Then if that which I expect come to pass

and we gain a victory with our ships, the Barbarians will not come to

you at the Isthmus nor will they advance further than Attica, but they

will retire in disorder; and we shall be the gainers by the preservation

of Megara and Egina and Salamis, at which place too an oracle tells us

that we shall get the victory over our enemies. 37 Now when men take

counsel reasonably for themselves, reasonable issues are wont as a rule

to come, but if they do not take counsel reasonably, then God is not

wont generally to attach himself to the judgment of men."

61. When Themistocles thus spoke, the Corinthian Adeimantos inveighed

against him for the second time, bidding him to be silent because he

had no native land, and urging Eurybiades not to put to the vote

the proposal of one who was a citizen of no city; for he said that

Themistocles might bring opinions before the council if he could show a

city belonging to him, but otherwise not. This objection he made against

him because Athens had been taken and was held by the enemy. Then

Themistocles said many evil things of him and of the Corinthians both,

and declared also that he himself and his countrymen had in truth a city

and a land larger than that of the Corinthians, so long as they had two

hundred ships fully manned; for none of the Hellenes would be able to

repel the Athenians if they came to fight against them.

62. Signifying this he turned then to Eurybiades and spoke yet more

urgently: "If thou wilt remain here, and remaining here wilt show

thyself a good man, well; but if not, thou wilt bring about the

overthrow of Hellas, for upon the ships depends all our power in the

war. Nay, but do as I advise. If, however, thou shalt not do so, we

shall forthwith take up our households and voyage to Siris in Italy,

which is ours already of old and the oracles say that it is destined

to be colonised by us; and ye, when ye are left alone and deprived of

allies such as we are, will remember my words."

63. When Themistocles thus spoke, Eurybiades was persuaded to change his

mind; and, as I think, he changed his mind chiefly from fear lest the

Athenians should depart and leave them, if he should take the ships to

the Isthmus; for if the Athenians left them and departed, the rest would

be no longer able to fight with the enemy. He chose then this counsel,

to stay in that place and decide matters there by a sea-fight.

64. Thus those at Salamis, after having skirmished with one another in

speech, were making preparations for a sea-fight there, since Eurybiades

had so determined: and as day was coming on, at the same time when the

sun rose there was an earthquake felt both on the land and on the sea:

and they determined to pray to the gods and to call upon the sons of

Aiacos to be their helpers. And as they had determined, so also they

did; for when they had prayed to all the gods, they called Ajax and

Telamon to their help from Salamis, where the fleet was, 38 and sent

a ship to Egina to bring Aiacos himself and the rest of the sons of

Aiacos.

65. Moreover Dicaios the son of Theokydes, an Athenian, who was an exile

and had become of great repute among the Medes at this time, declared

that when the Attic land was being ravaged by the land-army of Xerxes,

having been deserted by the Athenians, he happened then to be in company

with Demaratos the Lacedemonian in the Thriasian plain; and he saw a

cloud of dust going up from Eleusis, as if made by a company of about

thirty thousand men, and they wondered at the cloud of dust, by what men

it was caused. Then forthwith they heard a sound of voices, and Dicaios

perceived that the sound was the mystic cry Iacchos; but Demaratos,

having no knowledge of the sacred rites which are done at Eleusis, asked

him what this was that uttered the sound, and he said: "Demaratos, it

cannot be but that some great destruction is about to come to the army

of the king: for as to this, it is very manifest, seeing that Attica is

deserted, that this which utters the sound is of the gods, and that it

is going from Eleusis to help the Athenians and their allies: if then it

shall come down in the Peloponnese, there is danger for the king himself

and for the army which is upon the mainland, but if it shall direct

its course towards the ships which are at Salamis, the king will be in

danger of losing his fleet. This feast the Athenians celebrate every

year to the Mother and the Daughter; 39 and he that desires it, both of

them and of the other Hellenes, is initiated in the mysteries; and the

sound of voices which thou hearest is the cry Iacchos which they utter

at this feast." To this Demaratos said: "Keep silence and tell not this

tale to any other man; for if these words of thine be reported to the

king, thou wilt surely lose thy head, and neither I nor any other man

upon earth will be able to save thee: but keep thou quiet, and about

this expedition the gods will provide." He then thus advised, and after

the cloud of dust and the sound of voices there came a mist which was

borne aloft and carried towards Salamis to the camp of the Hellenes: and

thus they learnt (said he) that the fleet of Xerxes was destined to be

destroyed. Such was the report made by Dicaios the son of Theodykes,

appealing to Demaratos and others also as witnesses.

66. Meanwhile those who were appointed to serve in the fleet of Xerxes,

having gazed in Trachis upon the disaster of the Lacedemonians and

having passed over from thence to Histiaia, after staying three days

sailed through Euripos, and in other three days they had reached

Phaleron. And, as I suppose, they made their attack upon Athens not

fewer in number both by land and sea than when they had arrived at

Sepias and at Thermopylai: for against those of them who perished by

reason of the storm and those who were slain at Thermopylai and in the

sea-fights at Artemision, I will set those who at that time were not

yet accompanying the king, the Malians, Dorians, Locrians, and Boeotians

(who accompanied him in a body, except the Thespians and Plataians),

and moreover those of Carystos, Andros, and Tenos, with all the other

islanders except the five cities of which I mentioned the names before;

for the more the Persian advanced towards the centre of Hellas, the more

nations accompanied him.

67. So then, when all these had come to Athens except the Parians (now

the Parians had remained behind at Kythnos waiting to see how the war

would turn out),—when all the rest, I say, had come to Phaleron, then

Xerxes himself came down to the ships desiring to visit them and to

learn the opinions of those who sailed in them: and when he had come and

was set in a conspicuous place, then those who were despots of their own

nations or commanders of divisions being sent for came before him from

their ships, and took their seats as the king had assigned rank to each

one, first the king of Sidon, then he of Tyre, and after them the

rest: and when they were seated in due order, Xerxes sent Mardonios and

inquired, making trial of each one, whether he should fight a battle by

sea.

68. So when Mardonios went round asking them, beginning with the king of

Sidon, the others gave their opinions all to the same effect, advising

him to fight a battle by sea, but Artemisia spoke these words:—(a) "Tell

the king I pray thee, Mardonios, that I, who have proved myself not to

be the worst in the sea-fights which have been fought near Euboea, and

have displayed deeds not inferior to those of others, speak to him thus:

Master, it is right that I set forth the opinion which I really have,

and say that which I happen to think best for thy cause: and this I

say,—spare thy ships and do not make a sea-fight; for the men are as

much stronger than thy men by sea, as men are stronger than women. And

why must thou needs run the risk of sea-battles? Hast thou not Athens in

thy possession, for the sake of which thou didst set forth on thy march,

and also the rest of Hellas? and no man stands in thy way to resist, but

those who did stand against thee came off as it was fitting that

they should. (b) Now the manner in which I think the affairs of thy

adversaries will have their issue, I will declare. If thou do not

hasten to make a sea-fight, but keep thy ships here by the land, either

remaining here thyself or even advancing on to the Peloponnese, that

which thou hast come to do, O master, will easily be effected; for the

Hellenes are not able to hold out against thee for any long time, but

thou wilt soon disperse them and they will take flight to their several

cities: since neither have they provisions with them in this island, as

I am informed, nor is it probable that if thou shalt march thy land-army

against the Peloponnese, they who have come from thence will remain

still; for these will have no care to fight a battle in defence of

Athens. (c) If however thou hasten to fight forthwith, I fear that

damage done to the fleet may ruin the land-army also. Moreover, O king,

consider also this, that the servants of good men are apt to grow bad,

but those of bad men good; and thou, who art of all men the best, hast

bad servants, namely those who are reckoned as allies, Egyptians and

Cyprians and Kilikians and Pamphylians, in whom there is no profit."

69. When she thus spoke to Mardonios, those who were friendly to

Artemisia were grieved at her words, supposing that she would suffer

some evil from the king because she urged him not to fight at sea; while

those who had envy and jealousy of her, because she had been honoured

above all the allies, were rejoiced at the opposition, 40 supposing

that she would now be ruined. When however the opinions were reported

to Xerxes, he was greatly pleased with the opinion of Artemisia; and

whereas even before this he thought her excellent, he commended her

now yet more. Nevertheless he gave orders to follow the advice of the

greater number, thinking that when they fought by Euboea they were

purposely slack, because he was not himself present with them, whereas

now he had made himself ready to look on while they fought a sea-battle.

70. So when they passed the word to put out to sea, they brought their

ships out to Salamis and quietly ranged themselves along the shore in

their several positions. At that time the daylight was not sufficient

for them to engage battle, for night had come on; but they made their

preparations to fight on the following day. Meanwhile the Hellenes

were possessed by fear and dismay, especially those who were from

Peloponnese: and these were dismayed because remaining in Salamis they

were to fight a battle on behalf of the land of the Athenians, and being

defeated they would be cut off from escape and blockaded in an island,

leaving their own land unguarded. And indeed the land-army of the

Barbarians was marching forward during that very night towards the

Peloponnese.

71. Yet every means had been taken that the Barbarians might not be able

to enter Peloponnesus by land: for as soon as the Peloponnesians heard

that Leonidas and his company had perished at Thermopylai, they came

together quickly from the cities and took post at the Isthmus, and

over them was set as commander Cleombrotos, the son of Anaxandrides and

brother of Leonidas. These being posted at the Isthmus had destroyed the

Skironian way, and after this (having so determined in counsel with one

another) they began to build a wall across the Isthmus; and as they were

many myriads 41 and every man joined in the work, the work proceeded

fast; for stones and bricks and pieces of timber and baskets full of

sand were carried to it continually, and they who had thus come to help

paused not at all in their work either by night or by day.

72. Now those of the Hellenes who came in full force to the Isthmus to

help their country were these,—the Lacedemonians, the Arcadians of every

division, the Eleians, Corinthians, Sikyonians, Epidaurians, Phliasians,

Troizenians and Hermionians. These were they who came to the help of

Hellas in her danger and who had apprehension for her, while the rest

of the Peloponnesians showed no care: and the Olympic and Carneian

festivals had by this time gone by.

73. Now Peloponnesus is inhabited by seven races; and of these, two are

natives of the soil and are settled now in the place where they dwelt of

old, namely the Arcadians and the Kynurians; and one race, that of the

Achaians, though it did not remove from the Peloponnese, yet removed in

former time from its own land and dwells now in that which was not its

own. The remaining races, four in number, have come in from without,

namely the Dorians, Aitolians, Dryopians and Lemnians. Of the Dorians

there are many cities and of great renown; of the Aitolians, Elis

alone; of the Dryopians, Hermion 42 and Asine, which latter is opposite

Cardamyle in the Laconian land; and of the Lemnians, all the Paroreatai.

The Kynurians, who are natives of the soil, seem alone to be Ionians,

but they have become Dorians completely because they are subject to the

Argives and by lapse of time, being originally citizens of Orneai or

the dwellers in the country round Orneai. 43 Of these seven nations the

remaining cities, except those which I enumerated just now, stood aside

and did nothing; and if one may be allowed to speak freely, in thus

standing aside they were in fact taking the side of the Medes.

74. Those at the Isthmus were struggling with the labour which I have

said, since now they were running a course in which their very being was

at stake, and they did not look to have any brilliant success with their

ships: while those who were at Salamis, though informed of this

work, were yet dismayed, not fearing so much for themselves as for

Peloponnesus. For some time then they spoke of it in private, one

man standing by another, and they marvelled at the ill-counsel of

Eurybiades; but at last it broke out publicly. A meeting accordingly was

held, and much was spoken about the same points as before, some saying

that they ought to sail away to Peloponnesus and run the risk in defence

of that, and not stay and fight for a land which had been captured by

the enemy, while the Athenians, Eginetans and Megarians urged that they

should stay there and defend themselves.

75. Then Themistocles, when his opinion was like to be defeated by the

Peloponnesians, secretly went forth from the assembly, and having gone

out he sent a man to the encampment of the Medes in a boat, charging him

with that which he must say: this man's name was Sikinnos, and he was

a servant of Themistocles and tutor to his children; and after these

events Themistocles entered him as a Thespian citizen, when the

Thespians were admitting new citizens, and made him a wealthy man. He at

this time came with a boat and said to the commanders of the Barbarians

these words: "The commander of the Athenians sent me privately without

the knowledge of the other Hellenes (for, as it chances, he is disposed

to the cause of the king, and desires rather that your side should gain

the victory than that of the Hellenes), to inform you that the Hellenes

are planning to take flight, having been struck with dismay; and now it

is possible for you to execute a most noble work, if ye do not permit

them to flee away: for they are not of one mind with one another and

they will not stand against you in fight, but ye shall see them fighting

a battle by sea with one another, those who are disposed to your side

against those who are not."

76. He then having signified to them this, departed out of the way; and

they, thinking that the message deserved credit, landed first a large

number of Persians in the small island of Psyttaleia, which lies between

Salamis and the mainland; and then, as midnight came on, they put out

the Western wing of their fleet to sea, circling round towards Salamis,

and also those stationed about Keos and Kynosura put out their ships

to sea; and they occupied all the passage with their ships as far as

Munychia. And for this reason they put out their ships, namely in order

that the Hellenes might not even be permitted to get away, but being cut

off in Salamis might pay the penalty for the contests at Artemision:

and they disembarked men of the Persians on the small island called

Psyttaleia for this reason, namely that when the fight should take

place, these might save the men of one side and destroy those of the

other, since there especially it was likely that the men and the wrecks

of ships would be cast up on shore, for the island lay in the way of the

sea-fight which was to be. These things they did in silence, that the

enemy might not have information of them.

77. They then were making their preparations thus in the night without

having taken any sleep at all: and with regard to oracles, I am not able

to make objections against them that they are not true, for I do not

desire to attempt to overthrow the credit of them when they speak

clearly, looking at such matters as these which here follow:

"But when with ships they shall join the sacred strand of the goddess,

Artemis golden-sword-girded, and thee, wave-washed Kynosura,

Urged by a maddening hope, 44 having given rich Athens to plunder,

Then shall Justice divine quell Riot, of Insolence first-born, 45

Longing to overthrow all things 46 and terribly panting for bloodhshed:

Brass shall encounter with brass, and Ares the sea shall empurple,

Tinging its waves with the blood: then a day of freedom for Hellas

Cometh from wide-seeing Zeus 47 and from Victory, lady and mother." 48

Looking to such things as this, and when Bakis speaks so clearly, I do

not venture myself to make any objections about oracles, nor can I admit

them from others.

78. Now between the commanders that were at Salamis there came to be

great contention of speech and they did not yet know that the Barbarians

were surrounding them with their ships, but they thought that they were

still in their place as they saw them disposed in the day.

79. Then while the commanders were engaged in strife, there came over

from Egina Aristeides the son of Lysimachos, an Athenian who had been

ostracised by the people, a man whom I hold (according to that which

I hear of his character) to have been the best and most upright of all

Athenians. This man came into the council and called forth Themistocles,

who was to him not a friend, but an enemy to the last degree; but

because of the greatness of the present troubles he let those matters be

forgotten and called him forth, desiring to communicate with him. Now he

had heard beforehand that the Peloponnesians were pressing to take

the ships away to the Isthmus. So when Themistocles came forth to him,

Aristeides spoke these words: "Both at other times when occasion arises,

and also especially at this time we ought to carry on rivalry as to

which of us shall do more service to our country. And I tell thee now

that it is indifferent whether the Peloponnesians say many words or few

about sailing away from hence; for having been myself an eye-witness I

tell thee that now not even if the Corinthians and Eurybiades himself

desire to sail out, will they be able; for we are encompassed round by

the enemy. Go thou in then, and signify this to them."

80. He made answer as follows: "Thou advisest very well, 49 and also

the news which thou hast brought is good, since thou art come having

witnessed with thine own eyes that which I desired might come to pass:

for know that this which is being done by the Medes is of my suggestion;

because, when the Hellenes would not come to a battle of their own will,

it was necessary to bring them over to us against their will. Do thou

however, since thou art come bearing good news, thyself report it to

them; for if I say these things, I shall be thought to speak that which

I have myself invented, and I shall not persuade them, but they will

think that the Barbarians are not doing so. Do thou thyself however come

forward to speak, and declare to them how things are; and when thou hast

declared this, if they are persuaded, that will be the best thing, but

if this is not credible to them, it will be the same thing so far as

concerns us, for they will no longer be able to take to flight, if we

are encompassed on all sides, as thou sayest."

81. Aristeides accordingly came forward and told them this, saying that

he had come from Egina and had with difficulty escaped without being

perceived by those who were blockading them; for the whole encampment of

the Hellenes was encompassed by the ships of Xerxes; and he counselled

them to get ready to defend themselves. He then having thus spoken

retired, and among them again there arose dispute, for the greater

number of the commanders did not believe that which was reported to

them:

82. and while these were doubting, there came a trireme manned by

Tenians, deserting from the enemy, of which the commander was Panaitios

the son of Sosimenes, which brought them the whole truth. For this deed

the Tenians were inscribed at Delphi on the tripod among those who had

conquered the Barbarians. With the ship which deserted at Salamis and

the Lemnian ship which deserted before and came to Artemision, the naval

force of the Hellenes was completed to the number of three hundred and

eighty ships, for before this two ships were yet wanting to make up this

number.

83. The Hellenes then, since they believed that which was said by the

Tenians, were preparing for a sea-fight: and as the dawn appeared, they

made an assembly of those who fought on board the ships 50 and addressed

them, Themistocles making a speech which was eloquent beyond the rest;

and the substance of it was to set forth all that is better as opposed

to that which is worse, of the several things which arise in the nature

and constitution of man; and having exhorted them to choose the better,

51 and thus having wound up his speech, he bade them embark in their

ships. These then proceeded to embark, and there came in meanwhile the

trireme from Egina which had gone away to bring the sons of Aiacos.

84. Then the Hellenes put out all their ships, and while they were

putting out from shore, the Barbarians attacked them forthwith. Now

the other Hellenes began backing their ships and were about to run them

aground, but Ameinias of Pallene, an Athenian, put forth with his ship

and charged one of the enemy; and his ship being entangled in combat and

the men not being able to get away, the others joined in the fight to

assist Ameinias. The Athenians say that the beginning of the battle was

made thus, but the Eginetans say that the ship which went away to Egina

to bring the sons of Aiacos was that which began the fight. It is also

reported that an apparition of a woman was seen by them, and that having

appeared she encouraged them to the fight so that the whole of the army

of the Hellenes heard it, first having reproached them in these words:

"Madmen, 52 how far will ye yet back your ships?"

85. Opposite the Athenians had been ranged the Phenicians, for these

occupied the wing towards Eleusis and the West, and opposite the

Lacedemonians were the Ionians, who occupied the wing which extended to

the East and to Piræus. Of them however a few were purposely slack

in the fight according to the injunctions of Themistocles, 53 but

the greater number were not so. I might mention now the names of many

captains of ships who destroyed ships of the Hellenes, but I will make

no use of their names except in the case of Theomestor, the son of

Androdamas and Phylacos the son of Histiaios, of Samos both: and

for this reason I make mention of these and not of the rest, because

Theomestor on account of this deed became despot of Samos, appointed by

the Persians, and Phylacos was recorded as a benefactor of the king

and received much land as a reward. Now the benefactors of the king are

called in the Persian tongue orosangai.

86. Thus it was with these; but the greater number of their ships were

disabled at Salamis, being destroyed some by the Athenians and others

by the Eginetans: for since the Hellenes fought in order and ranged in

their places, while the Barbarians were no longer ranged in order nor

did anything with design, it was likely that there would be some such

result as in fact followed. Yet on this day they surpassed themselves

much more than when they fought by Euboea, every one being eager

and fearing Xerxes, and each man thinking that the king was looking

especially at him.

87. As regards the rest I cannot speak of them separately, or say

precisely how the Barbarians or the Hellenes individually contended in

the fight; but with regard to Artemisia that which happened was this,

whence she gained yet more esteem than before from the king.—When the

affairs of the king had come to great confusion, at this crisis a ship

of Artemisia was being pursued by an Athenian ship; and as she was not

able to escape, for in front of her were other ships of her own side,

while her ship, as it chanced, was furthest advanced towards the enemy,

she resolved what she would do, and it proved also much to her advantage

to have done so. While she was being pursued by the Athenian ship

she charged with full career against a ship of her own side manned by

Calyndians and in which the king of the Calyndians Damasithymos was

embarked. Now, even though it be true that she had had some strife with

him before, while they were still about the Hellespont, yet I am not

able to say whether she did this by intention, or whether the Calyndian

ship happened by chance to fall in her way. Having charged against it

however and sunk it, she enjoyed good fortune and got for herself good

in two ways; for first the captain of the Athenian ship, when he saw her

charge against a ship manned by Barbarians, turned away and went after

others, supposing that the ship of Artemisia was either a Hellenic ship

or was deserting from the Barbarians and fighting for the Hellenes,

88,—first, I say, it was her fortune to have this, namely to escape and

not suffer destruction; and then secondly it happened that though she

had done mischief, she yet gained great reputation by this thing with

Xerxes. For it is said that the king looking on at the fight perceived

that her ship had charged the other; and one of those present said:

"Master, dost thou see Artemisia, how well she is fighting, and how she

sank even now a ship of the enemy?" He asked whether this was in truth

the deed of Artemisia, and they said that it was; for (they declared)

they knew very well the sign of her ship: and that which was destroyed

they thought surely was one of the enemy; for besides other things

which happened fortunately for her, as I have said, there was this also,

namely that not one of the crew of the Calyndian ship survived to become

her accuser. And Xerxes in answer to that which was said to him is

reported to have uttered these words: "My men have become women, and my

women men." Thus it is said that Xerxes spoke.

89. And meanwhile in this struggle there was slain the commander

Ariabignes, son of Dareios and brother of Xerxes, and there were slain

too many others of note of the Persians and Medes and also of the

allies; and of the Hellenes on their part a few; for since they knew

how to swim, those whose ships were destroyed and who were not slain in

hand-to-hand conflict swam over to Salamis; but of the Barbarians the

greater number perished in the sea, not being able to swim. And when

the first ships turned to flight, then it was that the largest number

perished, for those who were stationed behind, while endeavouring to

pass with their ships to the front in order that they also might display

some deed of valour for the king to see, ran into the ships of their own

side as they fled.

90. It happened also in the course of this confusion that some of the

Phenicians, whose ships had been destroyed, came to the king and accused

the Ionians, saying that by means of them their ships had been lost, and

that they had been traitors to the cause. Now it so came about that not

only the commanders of the Ionians did not lose their lives, but the

Phenicians who accused them received a reward such as I shall tell.

While these men were yet speaking thus, a Samothrakian ship charged

against an Athenian ship: and as the Athenian ship was being sunk by

it, an Eginetan ship came up against the Samothrakian vessel and ran it

down. Then the Samothrakians, being skilful javelin-throwers, by hurling

cleared off the fighting-men from the ship which had wrecked theirs and

then embarked upon it and took possession of it. This event saved the

Ionians from punishment; for when Xerxes saw that they had performed a

great exploit, he turned to the Phenicians (for he was exceedingly vexed

and disposed to find fault with all) and bade cut off their heads, in

order that they might not, after having been cowards themselves, accuse

others who were better men than they. For whensoever Xerxes (sitting

just under the mountain opposite Salamis, which is called Aigaleos) saw

any one of his own side display a deed of valour in the sea-fight, he

inquired about him who had done it, and the scribes recorded the name of

the ship's captain with that of his father and the city from whence he

came. Moreover also Ariaramnes, a Persian who was present, shared 54 the

fate of the Phenicians, being their friend. They 55 then proceeded to

deal with the Phenicians.

91. In the meantime, as the Barbarians turned to flight and were sailing

out towards Phaleron, the Eginetans waited for them in the passage and

displayed memorable actions: for while the Athenians in the confused

tumult were disabling both those ships which resisted and those which

were fleeing, the Eginetans were destroying those which attempted to

sail away; and whenever any escaped the Athenians, they went in full

course and fell among the Eginetans.

92. Then there met one another the ship of Themistocles, which was

pursuing a ship of the enemy, and that of Polycritos the son of Crios

the Eginetan. This last had charged against a ship of Sidon, the same

that had taken the Eginetan vessel which was keeping watch in advance at

Skiathos, 56 and in which sailed Pytheas the son of Ischenoös, whom

the Persians kept in their ship, all cut to pieces as he was, making a

marvel of his valour. The Sidonian ship then was captured bearing with

it this man as well as the Persians of whom I spoke, so that Pytheas

thus came safe to Egina. Now when Polycritos looked at the Athenian

vessel he recognised when he saw it the sign of the admiral's ship, and

shouting out he addressed Themistocles with mockery about the accusation

brought against the Eginetans of taking the side of the Medes, 57 and

reproached him. This taunt Polycritos threw out against Themistocles

after he had charged against the ship of Sidon. And meanwhile those

Barbarians whose ships had escaped destruction fled and came to Phaleron

to be under cover of the land-army.

93. In this sea-fight the Eginetans were of all the Hellenes the best

reported of, and next to them the Athenians; and of the individual

men the Eginetan Polycritos and the Athenians Eumenes of Anagyrus and

Ameinias of Pallene, the man who had pursued after Artemisia. Now if

he had known that Artemisia was sailing in this ship, he would not have

ceased until either he had taken her or had been taken himself; for

orders had been given to the Athenian captains, and moreover a prize was

offered of ten thousand drachmas for the man who should take her alive;

since they thought it intolerable that a woman should make an expedition

against Athens. She then, as has been said before, had made her escape;

and the others also, whose ships had escaped destruction, were at

Phaleron.

94. As regards Adeimantos the commander of the Corinthians, the

Athenians say that forthwith at the beginning when the ships were

engaging in the fight, being struck with panic and terror he put up his

sails and fled away; and the Corinthians, when they saw the admiral's

ship fleeing, departed likewise: and after this, as the story goes, when

they came in their flight opposite to the temple of Athene Skiras in

the land of Salamis, there fell in with them by divine guidance a

light vessel, 58 which no one was ever found to have sent, and which

approached the Corinthians at a time when they knew nothing of that

which was happening with the fleet. And by this it is conjectured 59

that the matter was of the Deity; for when they came near to the ships,

the men in the light vessel said these words: "Adeimantos, thou hast

turned thy ships away and hast set forth to flee, deserting the cause of

the Hellenes, while they are in truth gaining a victory and getting

the better of their foes as much as they desired." When they said this,

since Adeimantos doubted of it, they spoke a second time and said that

they might be taken as hostages and slain, if the Hellenes should prove

not to be gaining the victory. Then he turned his ship back, he and the

others with him, and they reached the camp when the work was finished.

Such is the report spread by the Athenians against these: the

Corinthians however do not allow this to be so, but hold that they were

among the first in the sea-fight; and the rest of Hellas also bears

witness on their side.

95. Aristeides moreover the son of Lysimachos, the Athenian, of whom

I made mention also shortly before this as a very good man, he in this

tumult which had arisen about Salamis did as follows:—taking with him

a number of the hoplites of Athenian race who had been ranged along the

shore of the land of Salamis, with them he disembarked on the island of

Psyttaleia; and these slew all the Persians who were in this islet.

96. When the sea-fight had been broken off, the Hellenes towed in to

Salamis so many of the wrecks as chanced to be still about there, and

held themselves ready for another sea-fight, expecting that the king

would yet make use of the ships which remained unhurt; but many of the

wrecks were taken by the West Wind and borne to that strand in Attica

which is called Colias; so as to fulfil 60 not only all that other

oracle which was spoken about this sea-fight by Bakis and Musaios, but

also especially, with reference to the wrecks cast up here, that

which had been spoken in an oracle many years before these events by

Lysistratos, an Athenian who uttered oracles, and which had not been

observed by any of the Hellenes:

"Then shall the Colian women with firewood of oars roast barley." 61

This was destined to come to pass after the king had marched away.

97. When Xerxes perceived the disaster which had come upon him, he

feared lest some one of the Ionians should suggest to the Hellenes,

or they should themselves form the idea, to sail to the Hellespont and