Thermopylae

The Battle of Thermopylae (Book VII, Sections 175–239)

175. When the Hellenes had returned to the Isthmus, they deliberated,

having regard to that which had been said by Alexander, where and in

what regions they should set the war on foot: and the opinion which

prevailed was to guard the pass at Thermopylai; for it was seen to be

narrower than that leading into Thessaly, and at the same time it was

single, 166 and nearer also to their own land; and as for the path by

means of which were taken those of the Hellenes who were taken by the

enemy at Thermopylai, they did not even know of its existence until

they were informed by the people of Trachis after they had come to

Thermopylai. This pass then they resolved to guard, and not permit the

Barbarian to go by into Hellas; and they resolved that the fleet should

sail to Artemision in the territory of Histiaia: for these points are

near to one another, so that each division of their forces could have

information of what was happening to the other. And the places are so

situated as I shall describe.

176. As to Artemision first, coming out of the Thracian Sea the space

is contracted from great width to that narrow channel which lies between

the island of Skiathos and the mainland of Magnesia; and after the

strait there follows at once in Euboea the sea-beach called Artemision,

upon which there is a temple of Artemis. Then secondly the passage into

Hellas by Trechis is, where it is narrowest, but fifty feet wide: it is

not here however that the narrowest part of this whole region lies,

but in front of Thermopylai and also behind it, consisting of a single

wheel-track only 167 both by Alpenoi, which lies behind Thermopylai and

again by the river Phoinix near the town of Anthela there is no space

but a single wheel-track only: and on the West of Thermopylai there is

a mountain which is impassable and precipitous, rising up to a great

height and extending towards the range of Oite, while on the East of the

road the sea with swampy pools succeeds at once. In this passage there

are hot springs, which the natives of the place call the "Pots," 168 and

an altar of Heracles is set up near them. Moreover a wall had once been

built at this pass, and in old times there was a gate set in it; which

wall was built by the Phokians, who were struck with fear because the

Thessalians had come from the land of the Thesprotians to settle in

the Aiolian land, the same which they now possess. Since then the

Thessalians, as they supposed, were attempting to subdue them, the

Phokians guarded themselves against this beforehand; and at that time

they let the water of the hot springs run over the passage, that the

place might be converted into a ravine, and devised every means that the

Thessalians might not make invasion of their land. Now the ancient wall

had been built long before, and the greater part of it was by that time

in ruins from lapse of time; the Hellenes however resolved to set it

up again, and at this spot to repel the Barbarian from Hellas: and very

near the road there is a village called Alpenoi, from which the Hellenes

counted on getting supplies.

177. These places then the Hellenes perceived to be such as their

purpose required; for they considered everything beforehand and

calculated that the Barbarians would not be able to take advantage

either of superior numbers or of cavalry, and therefore they resolved

here to receive the invader of Hellas: and when they were informed that

the Persian was in Pieria, they broke up from the Isthmus and set forth

for the campaign, some going to Thermopylai by land, and others making

for Artemision by sea.

178. The Hellenes, I say, were coming to the rescue with speed, having

been appointed to their several places: and meanwhile the men of Delphi

consulted the Oracle of the god on behalf of themselves and on behalf

of Hellas, being struck with dread; and a reply was given them that they

should pray to the Winds, for these would be powerful helpers of Hellas

in fight. So the Delphians, having accepted the oracle, first reported

the answer which had been given them to those of the Hellenes who

desired to be free; and having reported this to them at a time when they

were in great dread of the Barbarian, they laid up for themselves

an immortal store of gratitude: then after this the men of Delphi

established an altar for the Winds in Thuia, where is the sacred

enclosure of Thuia the daughter of Kephisos, after whom moreover this

place has its name; and also they approached them with sacrifices.

179. The Delphians then according to the oracle even to this day make

propitiary offerings to the Winds: and meanwhile the fleet of Xerxes

setting forth from the city of Therma had passed over with ten of its

ships, which were those that sailed best, straight towards Skiathos,

where three Hellenic ships, a Troizenian, an Eginetan and an Athenian,

were keeping watch in advance. When the crews of these caught sight of

the ships of the Barbarians, they set off to make their escape:

180, and the ship of Troizen, of which Prexinos was in command, was

pursued and captured at once by the Barbarians; who upon that took the

man who was most distinguished by beauty among the fighting-men on board

of her, 169 and cut his throat at the prow of the ship, making a good

omen for themselves of the first of the Hellenes whom they had captured

who was pre-eminent for beauty. The name of this man who was sacrificed

was Leon, and perhaps he had also his name to thank in some degree for

what befell him.

181. The ship of Egina however, of which Asonides was master, even

gave them some trouble to capture it, seeing that Pytheas the son of

Ischenoös served as a fighting-man on board of her, who proved himself a

most valiant man on this day; for when the ship was being taken, he

held out fighting until he was hacked all to pieces: and as when he had

fallen he did not die, but had still breath in him, the Persians who

served as fighting-men on board the ships, because of his valour used

all diligence to save his life, both applying unguents of myrrh to heal

his wounds and also wrapping him up in bands of the finest linen; and

when they came back to their own main body, they showed him to all the

army, making a marvel of him and giving him good treatment; but the rest

whom they had taken in this ship they treated as slaves.

182. Two of the three ships, I say, were captured thus; but the third,

of which Phormos an Athenian was master, ran ashore in its flight at

the mouth of the river Peneios; and the Barbarians got possession of

the vessel but not of the crew; for so soon as the Athenians had run the

ship ashore, they leapt out of her, and passing through Thessaly made

their way to Athens.

183. Of these things the Hellenes who were stationed at Artemision were

informed by fire-signals from Skiathos; and being informed of them

and being struck with fear, they removed their place of anchorage from

Atermision to Chalkis, intending to guard the Euripos, but leaving at

the same time watchers by day 170 on the heights of Euboea. Of the ten

ships of the Barbarians three sailed up to the reef called Myrmex, 171

which lies between Skiathos and Magnesia; and when the Barbarians had

there erected a stone pillar, which for that purpose they brought to

the reef, they set forth with their main body 172 from Therma, the

difficulties of the passage having now been cleared away, and sailed

thither with all their ships, having let eleven days go by since the

king set forth on his march from Therma. Now of this reef lying exactly

in the middle of the fairway they were informed by Pammon of Skyros.

Sailing then throughout the day the Barbarians accomplished the voyage

to Sepias in Magnesia and to the sea-beach which is between the city of

Casthanaia and the headland of Sepias.

184. So far as this place and so far as Thermopylai the army was exempt

from calamity; and the number was then still, as I find by computation,

this:--Of the ships which came from Asia, which were one thousand two

hundred and seven, the original number of the crews supplied by the

several nations I find to have been twenty-four myriads and also in

addition to them one thousand four hundred, 173 if one reckons at the

rate of two hundred men to each ship: and on board of each of these

ships there served as fighting-men, 174 besides the fighting-men

belonging to its own nation in each case, thirty men who were Persians,

Medes, or Sacans; and this amounts to three myriads six thousand two

hundred and ten 175 in addition to the others. I will add also to this

and to the former number the crews of the fifty-oared galleys, assuming

that there were eighty men, more or less, 176 in each one. Of these

vessels there were gathered together, as was before said, three

thousand: it would follow therefore that there were in them

four-and-twenty myriads 177 of men. This was the naval force which came

from Asia, amounting in all to fifty-one myriads and also seven thousand

six hundred and ten in addition. 178 Then of the footmen there had been

found to be a hundred and seventy myriads, 179 and of the horsemen eight

myriads: 180 and I will add also to these the Arabian camel-drivers

and the Libyan drivers of chariots, assuming them to amount to twenty

thousand men. The result is then that the number of the ships'

crews combined with that of the land-army amounts to two hundred and

thirty-one myriads and also in addition seven thousand six hundred and

ten. 181 This is the statement of the Army which was brought up out of

Asia itself, without counting the attendants which accompanied it or the

corn-transports and the men who sailed in these.

185. There is still to be reckoned, in addition to all this which has

been summed up, the force which was being led from Europe; and of this

we must give a probable estimate. 182 The Hellenes of Thrace and of the

islands which lie off the coast of Thrace supplied a hundred and twenty

ships; from which ships there results a sum of twenty-four thousand

men: and as regards the land-force which was supplied by the Thracians,

Paionians, Eordians, Bottiaians, the race which inhabits Chalkidike, the

Brygians, Pierians, Macedonians, Perraibians, Enianians, 183 Dolopians,

Magnesians, Achaians, and all those who dwell in the coast-region of

Thrace, of these various nations I estimate that there were thirty

myriads. 184 These myriads then added to those from Asia make a total

sum of two hundred and sixty-four myriads of fighting men and in

addition to these sixteen hundred and ten. 185

186. Such being the number of this body of fighting-men, 186 the

attendants who went with these and the men who were in the small vessels

187 which carried corn, and again in the other vessels which sailed

with the army, these I suppose were not less in number but more than

the fighting men. I assume them to be equal in number with these, and

neither at all more nor less; and so, being supposed equal in number

with the fighting body, they make up the same number of myriads as they.

Thus five hundred and twenty-eight myriads three thousand two hundred

and twenty 188 was the number of men whom Xerxes son of Dareios led as

far as Sepias and Thermopylai.

187. This is the number of the whole army of Xerxes; but of the women

who made bread for it, and of the concubines and eunuchs no man can

state any exact number, nor again of the draught-animals and other

beasts of burden or of the Indian hounds, which accompanied it, could

any one state the number by reason of their multitude: so that it does

not occur to me to wonder that the streams of some rivers should have

failed them, but I wonder rather how the provisions were sufficient

to feed so many myriads; for I find on computation that if each man

received a quart 189 of wheat every day and nothing more, there would be

expended every day eleven myriads of medimnoi 190 and three hundred and

forty medimnoi besides: and here I am not reckoning anything for the

women, eunuchs, baggage-animals, or dogs. Of all these men, amounting

to so many myriads, not one was for beauty and stature more worthy than

Xerxes himself to possess this power.

188. The fleet, I say, set forth and sailed: and when it had put in to

land in the region of Magnesia at the beach which is between the city of

Casthanaia and the headland of Sepias, the first of the ships which came

lay moored by the land and the others rode at anchor behind them; for,

as the beach was not large in extent, they lay at anchor with prows

projecting 191 towards the sea in an order which was eight ships deep.

For that night they lay thus; but at early dawn, after clear sky and

windless calm, the sea began to be violently agitated and a great storm

fell upon them with a strong East 192 Wind, that wind which they who

dwell about those parts call Hellespontias. Now as many of them as

perceived that the wind was rising and who were so moored that it was

possible for them to do so, drew up their ships on land before the storm

came, and both they and their ships escaped; but as for those of the

ships which it caught out at sea, some it cast away at the place called

Ipnoi 193 in Pelion and others on the beach, while some were wrecked

on the headland of Sepias itself, others at the city of Meliboia, and

others were thrown up on shore 194 at Casthanaia: and the violence of

the storm could not be resisted.

189. There is a story reported that the Athenians had called upon Boreas

to aid them, by suggestion of an oracle, because there had come to them

another utterance of the god bidding them call upon their brother by

marriage to be their helper. Now according to the story of the

Hellenes Boreas has a wife who is of Attica, Oreithuia the daughter

of Erechththeus. By reason of this affinity, I say, the Athenians,

according to the tale which has gone abroad, conjectured that their

"brother by marriage" was Boreas, and when they perceived the wind

rising, as they lay with their ships at Chalkis in Euboea, or even

before that, they offered sacrifices and called upon Boreas and

Oreithuia to assist them and to destroy the ships of the Barbarians, as

they had done before round about mount Athos. Whether it was for this

reason that the wind Boreas fell upon the Barbarians while they lay at

anchor, I am not able to say; but however that may be, the Athenians

report that Boreas had come to their help in former times, and that at

this time he accomplished those things for them of which I speak; and

when they had returned home they set up a temple dedicated to Boreas by

the river Ilissos.

190. In this disaster the number of the ships which were lost was not

less than four hundred, according to the report of those who state the

number which is lowest, with men innumerable and an immense quantity

of valuable things; insomuch that to Ameinocles the son of Cretines,

a Magnesian who held lands about Sepias, this shipwreck proved very

gainful; for he picked up many cups of gold which were thrown

up afterwards on the shore, and many also of silver, and found

treasure-chests 195 which had belonged to the Persians, and made

acquisition of other things of gold 196 more than can be described. This

man however, though he became very wealthy by the things which he found,

yet in other respects was not fortunate; for he too suffered misfortune,

being troubled by the slaying of a child. 197

191. Of the corn-transports and other vessels which perished there was

no numbering made; and so great was the loss that the commanders of the

fleet, being struck with fear lest the Thessalians should attack them

now that they had been brought into an evil plight, threw round their

camp a lofty palisade built of the fragments of wreck. For the storm

continued during three days; but at last the Magians, making sacrifice

of victims and singing incantations to appease the Wind by enchantments,

198 and in addition to this, offering to Thetis and the Nereïds, caused

it to cease on the fourth day, or else for some other reason it abated

of its own will. Now they offered sacrifice to Thetis, being informed

by the Ionians of the story that she was carried off from the place by

Peleus, and that the whole headland of Sepias belonged to her and to the

other Nereïds.

192. The storm then had ceased on the fourth day; and meanwhile the

day-watchers had run down from the heights of Euboea on the day after

the first storm began, and were keeping the Hellenes informed of all

that had happened as regards the shipwreck. They then, being informed of

it, prayed first to Poseidon the Saviour and poured libations, and then

they hastened to go back to Artemision, expecting that there would be

but a very few ships of the enemy left to come against them.

193. They, I say, came for the second time and lay with their ships

about Artemision: and from that time even to this they preserve the use

of the surname "Saviour" for Poseidon. Meanwhile the Barbarians, when

the wind had ceased and the swell of the sea had calmed down, drew their

ships into the sea and sailed on along the shore of the mainland, and

having rounded the extremity of Magnesia they sailed straight into the

gulf which leads towards Pagasai. In this gulf of Magnesia there is a

place where it is said that Heracles was left behind by Jason and his

comrades, having been sent from the Argo to fetch water, at the time

when they were sailing for the fleece to Aia in the land of Colchis: for

from that place they designed, when they had taken in water, to loose

199 their ship into the open sea; and from this the place has come

to have the name Aphetai. Here then the fleet of Xerxes took up its

moorings.

194. Now it chanced that fifteen of these ships put out to sea a good

deal later than the rest, and they happened to catch sight of the ships

of the Hellenes at Artemision. These ships the Barbarians supposed to be

their own, and they sailed thither accordingly and fell among the enemy.

Of these the commander was Sandokes the son of Thamasios, the governor

of Kyme in Aiolia, whom before this time king Dareios had taken and

crucified (he being one of the Royal Judges) for this reason, 19901

namely that Sandokes had pronounced judgment unjustly for money. So then

after he was hung up, Dareios reckoned and found that more good services

had been done by him to the royal house than were equal to his offences;

and having found this, and perceived that he had himself acted with more

haste than wisdom, he let him go. Thus he escaped from king Dareios, and

did not perish but survived; now, however, when he sailed in toward the

Hellenes, he was destined not to escape the second time; for when the

Hellenes saw them sailing up, perceiving the mistake which was being

made they put out against them and captured them without difficulty.

195. Sailing in one of these ships Aridolis was captured, the despot of

Alabanda in Caria, and in another the Paphian commander Penthylos son of

Demonoös, who brought twelve ships from Paphos, but had lost eleven

of them in the storm which had come on by Sepias, and now was captured

sailing in towards Artemision with the one which had escaped. These men

the Hellenes sent away in bonds to the Isthmus of the Corinthians, after

having inquired of them that which they desired to learn of the army of

Xerxes.

196. The fleet of the Barbarians then, except the fifteen ships of which

I said that Sandokes was in command, had arrived at Aphetai; and Xerxes

meanwhile with the land-army, having marched through Thessalia and

Achaia, had already entered the land of the Malians two days before, 200

after having held in Thessaly a contest for his own horses, making trial

also of the Thessalian cavalry, because he was informed that it was the

best of all among the Hellenes; and in this trial the horses of Hellas

were far surpassed by the others. Now of the rivers in Thessalia the

Onochonos alone failed to suffice by its stream for the drinking of

the army; but of the rivers which flow in Achaia even that which is the

largest of them, namely Epidanos, even this, I say, held out but barely.

197. When Xerxes had reached Alos of Achaia, the guides who gave him

information of the way, wishing to inform him fully of everything,

reported to him a legend of the place, the things, namely, which have to

do with the temple of Zeus Laphystios; 201 how Athamas the son of Aiolos

contrived death for Phrixos, having taken counsel with Ino, and after

this how by command of an oracle the Achaians propose to his descendants

the following tasks to be performed:--whosoever is the eldest of this

race, on him they lay an injunction that he is forbidden to enter the

City Hall, 202 and they themselves keep watch; now the City Hall is

called by the Achaians the "Hall of the People"; 203 and if he enter

it, it may not be that he shall come forth until he is about to be

sacrificed. They related moreover in addition to this, that many of

these who were about to be sacrificed had before now run away and

departed to another land, because they were afraid; and if afterwards

in course of time they returned to their own land and were caught,

they were placed 204 in the City Hall: and they told how the man is

sacrificed all thickly covered with wreaths, and with what form of

procession he is brought forth to the sacrifice. This is done to the

descendants of Kytissoros the son of Phrixos, because, when the Achaians

were making of Athamas the son of Aiolos a victim to purge the sins of

the land according to the command of an oracle, and were just about to

sacrifice him, this Kytissoros coming from Aia of the Colchians rescued

him; and having done so he brought the wrath of the gods upon his own

descendants. Having heard these things, Xerxes, when he came to the

sacred grove, both abstained from entering it himself, and gave the

command to his whole army to so likewise; and he paid reverence both to

the house and to the sacred enclosure of the descendants of Athamas.

198. These then are the things which happened in Thessalia and in

Achaia; and from these regions he proceeded to the Malian land, going

along by a gulf of the sea, in which there is an ebb and flow of the

tide every day. Round about this gulf there is a level space, which in

parts is broad but in other parts very narrow; and mountains lofty and

inaccessible surrounding this place enclose the whole land of Malis and

are called the rocks of Trachis. The first city upon this gulf as one

goes from Achaia is Antikyra, by which the river Spercheios flowing from

the land of the Enianians 205 runs out into the sea. At a distance of

twenty furlongs 206 or thereabouts from this river there is another,

of which the name is Dyras; this is said to have appeared that it

might bring assistance to Heracles when he was burning: then again at

a distance of twenty furlongs from this there is another river called

Melas.

199. From this river Melas the city of Trachis is distant five furlongs;

and here, in the parts where Trachis is situated, is even the widest

portion of all this district, as regards the space from the mountains to

the sea; for the plain has an extent of twenty-two thousand plethra.

207 In the mountain-range which encloses the land of Trachis there is a

cleft to the South of Trachis itself; and through this cleft the river

Asopos flows, and runs along by the foot of the mountain.

200. There is also another river called Phoinix, to the South of the

Asopos, of no great size, which flowing from these mountains runs out

into the Asopos; and at the river Phoinix is the narrowest place, for

here has been constructed a road with a single wheel-track only.

Then from the river Phoinix it is a distance of fifteen furlongs to

Thermopylai; and in the space between the river Phoinix and Thermopylai

there is a village called Anthela, by which the river Asopos flows, and

so runs out into the sea; and about this village there is a wide space

in which is set up a temple dedicated to Demeter of the Amphictyons, and

there are seats for the Amphictyonic councillors and a temple dedicated

to Amphictyon himself.

201. King Xerxes, I say, was encamped within the region of Trachis in

the land of the Malians, and the Hellenes within the pass. This place is

called by the Hellenes in general Thermopylai, but by the natives of the

place and those who dwell in the country round it is called Pylai. Both

sides then were encamped hereabout, and the one had command of all that

lies beyond Trachis 208 in the direction of the North Wind, and the

others of that which tends towards the South Wind and the mid-day on

this side of the continent. 209

202. These were the Hellenes who awaited the attack of the Persian in

this place:--of the Spartans three hundred hoplites; of the men of

Tegea and Mantineia a thousand, half from each place, from Orchomenos

in Arcadia a hundred and twenty, and from the rest of Arcadia a

thousand,--of the Arcadians so many; from Corinth four hundred, from

Phlius two hundred, and of the men of Mykene eighty: these were they who

came from the Peloponnese; and from the Boeotians seven hundred of the

Thespians, and of the Thebans four hundred.

203. In addition to these the Locrians of Opus had been summoned to come

in their full force, and of the Phokians a thousand: for the Hellenes

had of themselves sent a summons to them, saying by messengers that they

had come as forerunners of the others, that the rest of the allies

were to be expected every day, that their sea was safely guarded, being

watched by the Athenians and the Eginetans and by those who had been

appointed to serve in the fleet, and that they need fear nothing: for

he was not a god, they said, who was coming to attack Hellas, but a man;

and there was no mortal, nor would be any, with those fortunes evil

had not been mingled at his very birth, and the greatest evils for the

greatest men; therefore he also who was marching against them, being

mortal, would be destined to fail of his expectation. They accordingly,

hearing this, came to the assistance of the others at Trachis.

204. Of these troops, although there were other commanders also

according to the State to which each belonged, yet he who was most held

in regard and who was leader of the whole army was the Lacedemonian

Leonidas son of Anaxandrides, son of Leon, son of Eurycratides, son of

Anaxander, son of Eurycrates, son of Polydoros, son of Alcamenes, son of

Teleclos, son of Archelaos, son of Hegesilaos, son of Doryssos, son of

Leobotes, son of Echestratos, son of Agis, son of Eurysthenes, son of

Aristodemos, son of Aristomachos, son of Cleodaios, son of Hyllos,

son of Heracles; who had obtained the kingdom of Sparta contrary to

expectation.

205. For as he had two brothers each older than himself, namely

Cleomenes and Dorieos, he had been far removed from the thought of

becoming king. Since however Cleomenes had died without male child, and

Dorieos was then no longer alive, but he also had brought his life to an

end in Sicily, 210 thus the kingdom came to Leonidas, both because was

of elder birth than Cleombrotos (for Cleombrotos was the youngest of the

sons of Anaxandrides) and also because he had in marriage the daughter

of Cleomenes. He then at this time went to Thermopylai, having chosen

the three hundred who were appointed by law 211 and men who chanced

to have sons; and he took with him besides, before he arrived, those

Thebans whom I mentioned when I reckoned them in the number of the

troops, of whom the commander was Leontiades the son of Eurymachos: and

for this reason Leonidas was anxious to take up these with him of all

the Hellenes, namely because accusations had been strongly brought

against them that they were taking the side of the Medes; therefore

he summoned them to the war, desiring to know whether they would send

troops with them or whether they would openly renounce the alliance of

the Hellenes; and they sent men, having other thoughts in their mind the

while.

206. These with Leonidas the Spartans had sent out first, in order that

seeing them the other allies might join in the campaign, and for fear

that they also might take the side of the Medes, if they heard that the

Spartans were putting off their action. Afterwards, however, when they

had kept the festival, (for the festival of the Carneia stood in their

way), they intended then to leave a garrison in Sparta and to come to

help in full force with speed: and just so also the rest of the allies

had thought of doing themselves; for it chanced that the Olympic

festival fell at the same time as these events. Accordingly, since

they did not suppose that the fighting in Thermopylai would so soon be

decided, they sent only the forerunners of their force.

207. These, I say, had intended to do thus: and meanwhile the Hellenes

at Thermopylai, when the Persian had come near to the pass, were in

dread, and deliberated about making retreat from their position. To the

rest of the Peloponnesians then it seemed best that they should go to

the Peloponnese and hold the Isthmus in guard; but Leonidas, when the

Phokians and Locrians were indignant at this opinion, gave his vote

for remaining there, and for sending at the same time messengers to the

several States bidding them to come up to help them, since they were but

few to repel the army of the Medes.

208. As they were thus deliberating, Xerxes sent a scout on horseback

to see how many they were in number and what they were doing; for he had

heard while he was yet in Thessaly that there had been assembled in

this place a small force, and that the leaders of it were Lacedemonians

together with Leonidas, who was of the race of Heracles. And when the

horseman had ridden up towards their camp, he looked upon them and had

a view not indeed of the whole of their army, for of those which were

posted within the wall, which they had repaired and were keeping a

guard, it was not possible to have a view, but he observed those who

were outside, whose station was in front of the wall; and it chanced at

that time that the Lacedemonians were they who were posted outside.

So then he saw some of the men practising athletic exercises and

some combing their long hair: and as he looked upon these things he

marvelled, and at the same time he observed their number: and when he

had observed all exactly, he rode back unmolested, for no one attempted

to pursue him and he found himself treated with much indifference. And

when he returned he reported to Xerxes all that which he had seen.

209. Hearing this Xerxes was not able to conjecture the truth about the

matter, namely that they were preparing themselves to die and to deal

death to the enemy so far as they might; but it seemed to him that they

were acting in a manner merely ridiculous; and therefore he sent for

Demaratos the son of Ariston, who was in his camp, and when he came,

Xerxes asked him of these things severally, desiring to discover what

this was which the Lacedemonians were doing: and he said: "Thou didst

hear from my mouth at a former time, when we were setting forth to go

against Hellas, the things concerning these men; and having heard them

thou madest me an object of laughter, because I told thee of these

things which I perceived would come to pass; for to me it is the

greatest of all ends to speak the truth continually before thee, O

king. Hear then now also: these men have come to fight with us for the

passage, and this is it that they are preparing to do; for they have a

custom which is as follows;--whenever they are about to put their lives

in peril, then they attend to the arrangement of their hair. Be assured

however, that if thou shalt subdue these and the rest of them which

remain behind in Sparta, there is no other race of men which will await

thy onset, O king, or will raise hands against thee: for now thou art

about to fight against the noblest kingdom and city of those which are

among the Hellenes, and the best men." To Xerxes that which was said

seemed to be utterly incredible, and he asked again a second time in

what manner being so few they would fight with his host. He said; "O

king, deal with me as with a liar, if thou find not that these things

come to pass as I say."

210. Thus saying he did not convince Xerxes, who let four days go by,

expecting always that they would take to flight; but on the fifth day,

when they did not depart but remained, being obstinate, as he thought,

in impudence and folly, he was enraged and sent against them the Medes

and the Kissians, charging them to take the men alive and bring them

into his presence. Then when the Medes moved forward and attacked

the Hellenes, there fell many of them, and others kept coming up

continually, and they were not driven back, though suffering great loss:

and they made it evident to every man, and to the king himself not least

of all, that human beings are many but men are few. This combat went on

throughout the day:

211, and when the Medes were being roughly handled, then these retired

from the battle, and the Persians, those namely whom the king called

"Immortals," of whom Hydarnes was commander, took their place and came

to the attack, supposing that they at least would easily overcome the

enemy. When however these also engaged in combat with the Hellenes,

they gained no more success than the Median troops but the same as they,

seeing that they were fighting in a place with a narrow passage, using

shorter spears than the Hellenes, and not being able to take advantage

of their superior numbers. The Lacedemonians meanwhile were fighting

in a memorable fashion, and besides other things of which they made

display, being men perfectly skilled in fighting opposed to men who were

unskilled, they would turn their backs to the enemy and make a pretence

of taking to flight; and the Barbarians, seeing them thus taking a

flight, would follow after them with shouting and clashing of arms: then

the Lacedemonians, when they were being caught up, turned and faced

the Barbarians; and thus turning round they would slay innumerable

multitudes of the Persians; and there fell also at these times a few of

the Spartans themselves. So, as the Persians were not able to obtain any

success by making trial of the entrance and attacking it by divisions

and every way, they retired back.

212. And during these onsets it is said that the king, looking on, three

times leapt up from his seat, struck with fear for his army. Thus they

contended then: and on the following day the Barbarians strove with no

better success; for because the men opposed to them were few in number,

they engaged in battle with the expectation that they would be found to

be disabled and would not be capable any longer of raising their hands

against them in fight. The Hellenes however were ordered by companies as

well as by nations, and they fought successively each in turn, excepting

the Phokians, for these were posted upon the mountain to guard the path.

So the Persians, finding nothing different from that which they had seen

on the former day, retired back from the fight.

213. Then when the king was in a strait as to what he should do in the

matter before him, Epialtes the son of Eurydemos, a Malian, came to

speech with him, supposing that he would win a very great reward

from the king; and this man told him of the path which leads over the

mountain to Thermopylai, and brought about the destruction of those

Hellenes who remained in that place. Afterwards from fear of the

Lacedemonians he fled to Thessaly, and when he had fled, a price was

proclaimed for his life by the Deputies, 212 when the Amphictyons

met for their assembly at Pylai. 213 Then some time afterwards having

returned to Antikyra he was slain by Athenades a man of Trachis. Now

this Athenades killed Epialtes for another cause, which I shall set

forth in the following part of the history, 214 but he was honoured for

it none the less by the Lacedemonians.

214. Thus Epialtes after these events was slain: there is however

another tale told, that Onetes the son of Phanagoras, a man of Carystos,

and Corydallos of Antikyra were those who showed the Persians the way

round the mountain; but this I can by no means accept: for first we must

judge by this fact, namely that the Deputies of the Hellenes did not

proclaim a price for the lives of Onetes and Corydallos, but for that

of Epialtes the Trachinian, having surely obtained the most exact

information of the matter; and secondly we know that Epialtes was an

exile from his country to avoid this charge. True it is indeed that

Onetes might know of this path, even though he were not a Malian, if he

had had much intercourse with the country; but Epialtes it was who led

them round the mountain by the path, and him therefore I write down as

the guilty man.

215. Xerxes accordingly, being pleased by that which Epialtes engaged

to accomplish, at once with great joy proceeded to send Hydarnes and the

men of whom Hydarnes was commander; 215 and they set forth from the camp

about the time when the lamps are lit. This path of which we speak

had been discovered by the Malians who dwell in that land, and having

discovered it they led the Thessalians by it against the Phokians, at

the time when the Phokians had fenced the pass with a wall and thus were

sheltered from the attacks upon them: so long ago as this had the pass

been proved by the Malians to be of no value. 216 And this path lies

as follows:--it begins from the river Asopos, which flows through the

cleft, and the name of this mountain and of the path is the same, namely

Anopaia; and this Anopaia stretches over the ridge of the mountain and

ends by the town of Alpenos, which is the first town of the Locrians

towards Malis, and by the stone called Black Buttocks 217 and the seats

of the Kercopes, where is the very narrowest part.

217. By this path thus situated the Persians after crossing over the

Asopos proceeded all through the night, having on their right hand the

mountains of the Oitaians and on the left those of the Trachinians: and

when dawn appeared, they had reached the summit of the mountain. In

this part of the mountain there were, as I have before shown, a thousand

hoplites of the Phokians keeping guard, to protect their own country and

to keep the path: for while the pass below was guarded by those whom I

have mentioned, the path over the mountain was guarded by the Phokians,

who had undertaken the business for Leonidas by their own offer.

218. While the Persians were ascending they were concealed from these,

since all the mountain was covered with oak-trees; and the Phokians

became aware of them after they had made the ascent as follows:--the day

was calm, and not a little noise was made by the Persians, as was likely

when leaves were lying spread upon the ground under their feet; upon

which the Phokians started up and began to put on their arms, and by

this time the Barbarians were close upon them. These, when they saw men

arming themselves, fell into wonder, for they were expecting that no one

would appear to oppose them, and instead of that they had met with an

armed force. Then Hydarnes, seized with fear lest the Phokians should

be Lacedemonians, asked Epialtes of what people the force was; and

being accurately informed he set the Persians in order for battle. The

Phokians however, when they were hit by the arrows of the enemy, which

flew thickly, fled and got away at once to the topmost peak of the

mountain, fully assured that it was against them that the enemy had

designed to come, 218 and here they were ready to meet death. These,

I say, were in this mind; but the Persians meanwhile with Epialtes and

Hydarnes made no account of the Phokians, but descended the mountain

with all speed.

219. To the Hellenes who were in Thermopylai first the soothsayer

Megistias, after looking into the victims which were sacrificed,

declared the death which was to come to them at dawn of day; and

afterwards deserters brought the report 219 of the Persians having gone

round. These signified it to them while it was yet night, and thirdly

came the day-watchers, who had run down from the heights when day was

already dawning. Then the Hellenes deliberated, and their opinions were

divided; for some urged that they should not desert their post, while

others opposed this counsel. After this they departed from their

assembly, 220 and some went away and dispersed each to their several

cities, while others of them were ready to remain there together with

Leonidas.

220. However it is reported also that Leonidas himself sent them away,

having a care that they might not perish, but thinking that it was not

seemly for himself and for the Spartans who were present to leave the

post to which they had come at first to keep guard there. I am inclined

rather to be of this latter opinion, 221 namely that because Leonidas

perceived that the allies were out of heart and did not desire to face

the danger with him to the end, he ordered them to depart, but held that

for himself to go away was not honourable, whereas if he remained, a

great fame of him would be left behind, and the prosperity of Sparta

would not be blotted out: for an oracle had been given by the Pythian

prophetess to the Spartans, when they consulted about this war at the

time when it was being first set on foot, to the effect that either

Lacedemon must be destroyed by the Barbarians, or their king must lose

his life. This reply the prophetess gave them in hexameter verses, and

it ran thus:

"But as for you, ye men who in wide-spaced Sparta inhabit,

Either your glorious city is sacked by the children of Perses,

Or, if it be not so, then a king of the stock Heracleian

Dead shall be mourned for by all in the boundaries of broad Lacedemon.

Him 222 nor the might of bulls nor the raging of lions shall hinder;

For he hath might as of Zeus; and I say he shall not be restrained,

Till one of the other of these he have utterly torn and divided." 223

I am of opinion that Leonidas considering these things and desiring to

lay up for himself glory above all the other Spartans, 224 dismissed the

allies, rather than that those who departed did so in such disorderly

fashion, because they were divided in opinion.

221. Of this the following has been to my mind a proof as convincing as

any other, namely that Leonidas is known to have endeavoured to dismiss

the soothsayer also who accompanied this army, Megistias the Acarnanian,

who was said to be descended from Melampus, that he might not perish

with them after he had declared from the victims that which was about

to come to pass for them. He however when he was bidden to go would

not himself depart, but sent away his son who was with him in the army,

besides whom he had no other child.

222. The allies then who were dismissed departed and went away, obeying

the word of Leonidas, and only the Thespians and the Thebans remained

behind with the Lacedemonians. Of these the Thebans stayed against their

will and not because they desired it, for Leonidas kept them, counting

them as hostages; but the Thespians very willingly, for they said that

they would not depart and leave Leonidas and those with him, but they

stayed behind and died with them. The commander of these was Demophilos

the son of Diadromes.

223. Xerxes meanwhile, having made libations at sunrise, stayed for

some time, until about the hour when the market fills, and then made

an advance upon them; for thus it had been enjoined by Epialtes, seeing

that the descent of the mountain is shorter and the space to be passed

over much less than the going round and the ascent. The Barbarians

accordingly with Xerxes were advancing to the attack; and the Hellenes

with Leonidas, feeling that they were going forth to death, now advanced

out much further than at first into the broader part of the defile; for

when the fence of the wall was being guarded, 225 they on the former

days fought retiring before the enemy into the narrow part of the pass;

but now they engaged with them outside the narrows, and very many of

the Barbarians fell: for behind them the leaders of the divisions with

scourges in their hands were striking each man, ever urging them on to

the front. Many of them then were driven into the sea and perished, and

many more still were trodden down while yet alive by one another, and

there was no reckoning of the number that perished: for knowing the

death which was about to come upon them by reason of those who were

going round the mountain, they 226 displayed upon the Barbarians all the

strength which they had, to its greatest extent, disregarding danger and

acting as if possessed by a spirit of recklessness.

224. Now by this time the spears of the greater number of them were

broken, so it chanced, in this combat, and they were slaying the

Persians with their swords; and in this fighting fell Leonidas, having

proved himself a very good man, and others also of the Spartans with

him, men of note, of whose names I was informed as of men who had proved

themselves worthy, and indeed I was told also the names of all the three

hundred. Moreover of the Persians there fell here, besides many others

of note, especially two sons of Dareios, Abrocomes and Hyperanthes, born

to Dareios of Phratagune the daughter of Artanes: now Artanes was the

brother of king Dareios and the son of Hystaspes, the son of Arsames;

and he in giving his daughter in marriage to Dareios gave also with her

all his substance, because she was his only child.

225. Two brothers of Xerxes, I say, fell here fighting; and meanwhile

over the body of Leonidas there arose a great struggle between the

Persians and the Lacedemonians, until the Hellenes by valour dragged

this away from the enemy and turned their opponents to flight four

times. This conflict continued until those who had gone with Epialtes

came up; and when the Hellenes learnt that these had come, from that

moment the nature of the combat was changed; for they retired backwards

to the narrow part of the way, and having passed by the wall they went

and placed themselves upon the hillock, 227 all in a body together

except only the Thebans: now this hillock is in the entrance, where

now the stone lion is placed for Leonidas. On this spot while defending

themselves with daggers, that is those who still had them left, and also

with hands and with teeth, they were overwhelmed by the missiles of

the Barbarians, some of these having followed directly after them and

destroyed the fence of the wall, while others had come round and stood

about them on all sides.

226. Such were the proofs of valour given by the Lacedemonians and

Thespians; yet the Spartan Dienekes is said to have proved himself

the best man of all, the same who, as they report, uttered this saying

before they engaged battle with the Medes:--being informed by one of

the men of Trachis that when the Barbarians discharged their arrows they

obscured the light of the sun by the multitude of the arrows, so great

was the number of their host, he was not dismayed by this, but making

small account of the number of the Medes, he said that their guest from

Trachis brought them very good news, for if the Medes obscured the light

of the sun, the battle against them would be in the shade and not in the

sun.

227. This and other sayings of this kind they report that Dienekes the

Lacedemonian left as memorials of himself; and after him the bravest

they say of the Lacedemonians were two brothers Alpheos and Maron, sons

of Orsiphantos. Of the Thespians the man who gained most honour was

named Dithyrambos son of Harmatides.

228. The men were buried where they fell; and for these, as well as for

those who were slain before being sent away 228 by Leonidas, there is an

inscription which runs thus:

"Here once, facing in fight three hundred myriads of foemen,

Thousands four did contend, men of the Peloponnese."

This is the inscription for the whole body; and for the Spartans

separately there is this:

"Stranger, report this word, we pray, to the Spartans, that lying

Here in this spot we remain, faithfully keeping their laws." 229

This, I say, for the Lacedemonians; and for the soothsayer as follows:

"This is the tomb of Megistias renowned, whom the Median foemen,

Where Sperchios doth flow, slew when they forded the stream;

Soothsayer he, who then knowing clearly the fates that were coming,

Did not endure in the fray Sparta's good leaders to leave."

The Amphictyons it was who honoured them with inscriptions and

memorial pillars, excepting only in the case of the inscription to

the soothsayer; but that of the soothsayer Megistias was inscribed by

Simonides the son of Leoprepes on account of guest-friendship.

229. Two of these three hundred, it is said, namely Eurystos and

Aristodemos, who, if they had made agreement with one another, might

either have come safe home to Sparta together (seeing that they had

been dismissed from the camp by Leonidas and were lying at Alpenoi with

disease of the eyes, suffering extremely), or again, if they had not

wished to return home, they might have been slain together with the

rest,--when they might, I say, have done either one of these two

things, would not agree together; but the two being divided in opinion,

Eurystos, it is said, when he was informed that the Persians had gone

round, asked for his arms and having put them on ordered his Helot to

lead him to those who were fighting; and after he had led him thither,

the man who had led him ran away and departed, but Eurystos plunged into

the thick of the fighting, and so lost his life: but Aristodemos was

left behind fainting. 230 Now if either Aristodemos had been ill 231

alone, and so had returned home to Sparta, or the men had both of

them come back together, I do not suppose that the Spartans would have

displayed any anger against them; but in this case, as the one of them

had lost his life and the other, clinging to an excuse which the first

also might have used, 232 had not been willing to die, it necessarily

happened that the Spartans had great indignation against Aristodemos.

230. Some say that Aristodemos came safe to Sparta in this manner, and

on a pretext such as I have said; but others, that he had been sent as a

messenger from the camp, and when he might have come up in time to find

the battle going on, was not willing to do so, but stayed upon the road

and so saved his life, while his fellow-messenger reached the battle and

was slain.

231. When Aristodemos, I say, had returned home to Lacedemon, he

had reproach and dishonour; 233 and that which he suffered by way of

dishonour was this,--no one of the Spartans would either give him light

for a fire or speak with him, and he had reproach in that he was called

Aristodemos the coward. 234

232. He however in the battle at Plataia repaired all the guilt that was

charged against him: but it is reported that another man also survived

of these three hundred, whose name was Pantites, having been sent as a

messenger to Thessaly, and this man, when he returned back to Sparta and

found himself dishonoured, is said to have strangled himself.

233. The Thebans however, of whom the commander was Leontiades, being

with the Hellenes had continued for some time to fight against the

king's army, constrained by necessity; but when they saw that the

fortunes of the Persians were prevailing, then and not before, while the

Hellenes with Leonidas were making their way with speed to the hillock,

they separated from these and holding out their hands came near to the

Barbarians, saying at the same time that which was most true, namely

that they were on the side of the Medes and that they had been among the

first to give earth and water to the king; and moreover that they had

come to Thermopylai constrained by necessity, and were blameless for the

loss which had been inflicted upon the king: so that thus saying they

preserved their lives, for they had also the Thessalians to bear witness

to these words. However, they did not altogether meet with good fortune,

for some had even been slain as they had been approaching, and when they

had come and the Barbarians had them in their power, the greater