The Rise and Fall of Cyrus — Attic red-figure pottery painting

Herodotus · Book I, Chapters 95–216

The Rise and Fall of Cyrus

Κῦρος

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ἐπιδίζηται δὲ δὴ τὸ ἐνθεῦτεν ἡμῖν λόγος τόν τε Κῦρον ὅστις ἐὼν τὴν Κροίσου ἀρχὴν κατεῖλε καὶ τοὺς Πέρσας ὅτεῳ τρόπῳ ἡγήσαντο τῆς Ἀσίης ὡς ὦν Περσέων μετεξέτεροι λέγουσι οἱ μὴ βουλόμενοι σεμνοῦν τὰ περὶ Κῦρον ἀλλὰ τὸν ἐόντα λέγειν λόγον κατὰ ταῦτα γράψω ἐπιστάμενος περὶ Κύρου καὶ τριφασίας ἄλλας λόγων ὁδοὺς φῆναι [ ] Ἀσσυρίων ἀρχόντων τῆς ἄνω Ἀσίης ἐπ᾽ ἔτεα εἴκοσι καὶ πεντακόσια πρῶτοι ἀπ᾽ αὐτῶν Μῆδοι ἤρξαντο ἀπίστασθαι καὶ κως οὗτοι περὶ τῆς ἐλευθερίης μαχεσάμενοι τοῖσι Ἀσσυρίοισι ἐγένοντο ἄνδρες ἀγαθοί καὶ ἀπωσάμενοι τὴν δουλοσύνην ἐλευθερώθησαν μετὰ δὲ τούτους καὶ τὰ ἄλλα ἔθνεα ἐποίεε τὠυτὸ τοῖσι Μήδοισι

ἐόντων δὲ αὐτονόμων πάντων ἀνὰ τὴν ἤπειρον ὧδε αὖτις ἐς τυραννίδα περιῆλθον ἀνὴρ ἐν τοῖσι Μήδοισι ἐγένετο σοφὸς τῷ οὔνομα ἦν Δηιόκης παῖς δ᾽ ἦν Φραόρτεω [ ] οὗτος Δηιόκης ἐρασθεὶς τυραννίδος ἐποίεε τοιάδε κατοικημένων τῶν Μήδων κατὰ κώμας ἐν τῇ ἑωυτοῦ ἐὼν καὶ πρότερον δόκιμος καὶ μᾶλλόν τι καὶ προθυμότερον δικαιοσύνην ἐπιθέμενος ἤσκεε καὶ ταῦτα μέντοι ἐούσης ἀνομίης πολλῆς ἀνὰ πᾶσαν τὴν Μηδικὴν ἐποίεε ἐπιστάμενος ὅτι τῷ δικαίῳ τὸ ἄδικον πολέμιον ἐστί οἱ δ᾽ ἐκ τῆς αὐτῆς κώμης Μῆδοι ὁρῶντες αὐτοῦ τοὺς τρόπους δικαστήν μιν ἑωυτῶν αἱρέοντο δὲ δή οἷα μνώμενος ἀρχήν ἰθύς τε καὶ δίκαιος ἦν [ ] ποιέων τε ταῦτα ἔπαινον εἶχε οὐκ ὀλίγον πρὸς τῶν πολιητέων οὕτω ὥστε πυνθανόμενοι οἱ ἐν τῇσι ἄλλῃσι κώμῃσι ὡς Δηιόκης εἴη ἀνὴρ μοῦνος κατὰ τὸ ὀρθὸν δικάζων πρότερον περιπίπτοντες ἀδίκοισι γνώμῃσι τότε ἐπείτε ἤκουσαν ἄσμενοι ἐφοίτων παρὰ τὸν Δηιόκεα καὶ αὐτοὶ δικασόμενοι τέλος δὲ οὐδενὶ ἄλλῳ ἐπετράποντο

πλεῦνος δὲ αἰεὶ γινομένου τοῦ ἐπιφοιτέοντος οἷα πυνθανομένων τὰς δίκας ἀποβαίνειν κατὰ τὸ ἐόν γνοὺς Δηιόκης ἐς ἑωυτὸν πᾶν ἀνακείμενον οὔτε κατίζειν ἔτι ἤθελε ἔνθα περ πρότερον προκατίζων ἐδίκαζε οὔτ᾽ ἔφη δίκαν ἔτι οὐ γὰρ οἱ λυσιτελέειν τῶν ἑωυτοῦ ἐξημεληκότα τοῖσι πέλας δι᾽ ἡμέρης δικάζειν [ ] ἐούσης ὦν ἁρπαγῆς καὶ ἀνομίης ἔτι πολλῷ μᾶλλον ἀνὰ τὰς κώμας πρότερον ἦν συνελέχθησαν οἱ Μῆδοι ἐς τὠυτὸ καὶ ἐδίδοσαν σφίσι λόγον λέγοντες περὶ τῶν κατηκόντων ὡς δ᾽ ἐγὼ δοκέω μάλιστα ἔλεγον οἱ τοῦ Δηιόκεω φίλοι [ ] οὐ γὰρ δὴ τρόπῳ τῷ παρεόντι χρεώμενοι δυνατοὶ εἰμὲν οἰκέειν τὴν χώρην φέρε στήσωμεν ἡμέων αὐτῶν βασιλέα καὶ οὕτω τε χωρῇ εὐνομήσεται καὶ αὐτοὶ πρὸς ἔργα τρεψόμεθα οὐδὲ ὑπ᾽ ἀνομίης ἀνάστατοι ἐσόμεθα ταῦτά κῃ λέγοντες πείθουσι ἑωυτοὺς βασιλεύεσθαι

αὐτίκα δὲ προβαλλομένων ὅντινα στήσονται βασιλέα Δηιόκης ἦν πολλὸς ὑπὸ παντὸς ἀνδρὸς καὶ προβαλλόμενος καὶ αἰνεόμενος ἐς τοῦτον καταινέουσι βασιλέα σφίσι εἶναι [ ] δ᾽ ἐκέλευε αὐτοὺς οἰκία τε ἑωυτῷ ἄξια τῆς βασιληίης οἰκοδομῆσαι καὶ κρατῦναι αὐτὸν δορυφόροισι ποιεῦσι δὴ ταῦτα οἱ Μῆδοι οἰκοδομέουσί τε γὰρ αὐτῷ οἰκία μεγάλα τε καὶ ἰσχυρά ἵνα αὐτὸς ἔφρασε τῆς χώρης καὶ δορυφόρους αὐτῷ ἐπιτρέπουσι ἐκ πάντων Μήδων καταλέξασθαι [ ] δὲ ὡς ἔσχε τὴν ἀρχήν τοὺς Μήδους ἠνάγκασε ἓν πόλισμα ποιήσασθαι καὶ τοῦτο περιστέλλοντας τῶν ἄλλων ἧσσον ἐπιμέλεσθαι πειθομένων δὲ καὶ ταῦτα τῶν Μήδων οἰκοδομέει τείχεα μεγάλα τε καὶ καρτερὰ ταῦτα τὰ νῦν Ἀγβάτανα κέκληται ἕτερον ἑτέρῳ κύκλῳ ἐνεστεῶτα [ ] μεμηχάνηται δὲ οὕτω τοῦτο τὸ τεῖχος ὥστε ἕτερος τοῦ ἑτέρου κύκλος τοῖσι προμαχεῶσι μούνοισι ἐστι ὑψηλότερος τὸ μέν κού τι καὶ τὸ χωρίον συμμαχέει κολωνὸς ἐὼν ὥστε τοιοῦτο εἶναι τὸ δὲ καὶ μᾶλλόν τι ἐπετηδεύθη [ ] κύκλων δ᾽ ἐόντων τῶν συναπάντων ἑπτά ἐν δὴ τῷ τελευταίῳ τὰ βασιλήια ἔνεστι καὶ οἱ θησαυροί τὸ δ᾽ αὐτῶν μέγιστον ἐστὶ τεῖχος κατὰ τὸν Ἀθηνέων κύκλον μάλιστά κῃ τὸ μέγαθος τοῦ μὲν δὴ πρώτου κύκλου οἱ προμαχεῶνες εἰσὶ λευκοί τοῦ δὲ δευτέρου μέλανες τρίτου δὲ κύκλου φοινίκεοι τετάρτου δὲ κυάνεοι πέμπτου δὲ σανδαράκινοι [ ] οὕτω τῶν πέντε κύκλων οἱ προμαχεῶνες ἠνθισμένοι εἰσὶ φαρμάκοισι δύο δὲ οἱ τελευταῖοί εἰσὶ μὲν καταργυρωμένους δὲ κατακεχρυσωμένους ἔχων τοὺς προμαχεῶνας

ταῦτα μὲν δὴ Δηιόκης ἑωυτῷ τε ἐτείχεε καὶ περὶ τὰ ἑωυτοῦ οἰκία τὸν δὲ ἄλλον δῆμον πέριξ ἐκέλευε τὸ τεῖχος οἰκέειν οἰκοδομηθέντων δὲ πάντων κόσμον τόνδε Δηιόκης πρῶτος ἐστὶ καταστησάμενος μήτε ἐσιέναι παρὰ βασιλέα μηδένα δι᾽ ἀγγέλων δὲ πάντα χρᾶσθαι ὁρᾶσθαι τε βασιλέα ὑπὸ μηδενός πρός τε τούτοισι ἔτι γελᾶν τε καὶ ἀντίον πτύειν καὶ ἅπασι εἶναι τοῦτό γε αἰσχρόν [ ] ταῦτα δὲ περὶ ἑωυτὸν ἐσέμνυνε τῶνδε εἵνεκεν ὅκως ἂν μὴ ὁρῶντες οἱ ὁμήλικες ἐόντες σύντροφοί τε ἐκείνῳ καὶ οἰκίης οὐ φλαυροτέρης οὐδὲ ἐς ἀνδραγαθίην λειπόμενοι λυπεοίατο καὶ ἐπιβουλεύοιεν ἀλλ᾽ ἑτεροῖός σφι δοκέοι εἶναι μὴ ὁρῶσι

ἐπείτε δὲ ταῦτα διεκόσμησε καὶ ἐκράτυνε ἑωυτὸν τῇ τυραννίδι ἦν τὸ δίκαιον φυλάσσων χαλεπός καὶ τάς τε δίκας γράφοντες ἔσω παρ᾽ ἐκεῖνον ἐσπέμπεσκον καὶ ἐκεῖνος διακρίνων τὰς ἐσφερομένας ἐκπέμπεσκε [ ] ταῦτα μὲν κατὰ τὰς δίκας ἐποίεε τάδε δὲ ἄλλα ἐκεκοσμέατὸ οἱ εἴ τινα πυνθάνοιτο ὑβρίζοντα τοῦτον ὅκως μεταπέμψαιτο κατ᾽ ἀξίην ἑκάστου ἀδικήματος ἐδικαίευ καὶ οἱ κατάσκοποί τε καὶ κατήκοοι ἦσαν ἀνὰ πᾶσαν τὴν χώρην τῆς ἦρχε

Δηιόκης μέν νυν τὸ Μηδικὸν ἔθνος συνέστρεψε μοῦνον καὶ τοῦτον ἦρξε ἔστι δὲ Μήδων τοσάδε γένεα Βοῦσαι Παρητακηνοὶ Στρούχατες Ἀριζαντοὶ Βούδιοι Μάγοι γένεα μὲν δὴ Μήδων ἐστὶ τοσάδε

Δηιόκεω δὲ παῖς γίνεται Φραόρτης ὃς τελευτήσαντος Δηιόκεω βασιλεύσαντος τρία καὶ πεντήκοντα ἔτεα παρεδέξατο τὴν ἀρχήν παραδεξάμενος δὲ οὐκ ἀπεχρᾶτο μούνων Μήδων ἄρχειν ἀλλὰ στρατευσάμενος ἐπὶ τοὺς Πέρσας πρώτοισί τε τούτοισι ἐπεθήκατο καὶ πρώτους Μήδων ὑπηκόους ἐποίησε [ ] μετὰ δὲ ἔχων δύο ταῦτα ἔθνεα καὶ ἀμφότερα ἰσχυρά κατεστρέφετο τὴν Ἀσίην ἀπ᾽ ἄλλου ἐπ᾽ ἄλλο ἰὼν ἔθνος ἐς στρατευσάμενος ἐπὶ τοὺς Ἀσσυρίους καὶ Ἀσσυρίων τούτους οἳ Νίνον εἶχον καὶ ἦρχον πρότερον πάντων τότε δὲ ἦσαν μεμουνωμένοι μὲν συμμάχων ἅτε ἀπεστεώτων ἄλλως μέντοι ἑωυτῶν εὖ ἥκοντες ἐπὶ τούτους δὴ στρατευσάμενος Φραόρτης αὐτός τε διεφθάρη ἄρξας δύο καὶ εἴκοσι ἔτεα καὶ στρατὸς αὐτοῦ πολλός

Φραόρτεω δὲ τελευτήσαντος ἐξεδέξατο Κυαξάρης Φραόρτεω τοῦ Δηιόκεω παῖς οὗτος λέγεται πολλὸν ἔτι γενέσθαι ἀλκιμώτερος τῶν προγόνων καὶ πρῶτός τε ἐλόχισε κατὰ τέλεα τοὺς ἐν τῇ Ἀσίῃ καὶ πρῶτος διέταξε χωρὶς ἑκάστους εἶναι τούς τε αἰχμοφόρους καὶ τοὺς τοξοφόρους καὶ τοὺς ἱππέας πρὸ τοῦ δὲ ἀναμὶξ ἦν πάντα ὁμοίως ἀναπεφυρμένα [ ] οὗτος τοῖσι Λυδοῖσι ἐστὶ μαχεσάμενος ὅτε νὺξ ἡμέρη ἐγένετό σφι μαχομένοισι καὶ τὴν Ἅλυος ποταμοῦ ἄνω Ἀσίην πᾶσαν συστήσας ἑωυτῷ συλλέξας δὲ τοὺς ὑπ᾽ ἑωυτῷ ἀρχομένους πάντας ἐστρατεύετο ἐπὶ τὴν Νίνον τιμωρέων τε τῷ πατρὶ καὶ τὴν πόλιν ταύτην θέλων ἐξελεῖν [ ] καί οἱ ὡς συμβαλὼν ἐνίκησε τοὺς Ἀσσυρίους περικατημένῳ τὴν Νίνον ἐπῆλθε Σκυθέων στρατὸς μέγας ἦγε δὲ αὐτοὺς βασιλεὺς Σκυθέων Μαδύης Προτοθύεω παῖς οἳ ἐσέβαλον μὲν ἐς τὴν Ἀσίην Κιμμερίους ἐκβαλόντες ἐκ τῆς Εὐρώπης τούτοισι δὲ ἐπισπόμενοι φεύγουσι οὕτω ἐς τὴν Μηδικὴν χώρην ἀπίκοντο

ἔστι δὲ ἀπὸ τῆς λίμνης τῆς Μαιήτιδος ἐπὶ Φᾶσιν ποταμὸν καὶ ἐς Κόλχους τριήκοντα ἡμερέων εὐζώνῳ ὁδός ἐκ δὲ τῆς Κολχίδος οὐ πολλὸν ὑπερβῆναι ἐς τὴν Μηδικήν ἀλλ᾽ ἓν τὸ διὰ μέσου ἔθνος αὐτῶν ἐστι Σάσπειρες τοῦτο δὲ παραμειβομένοισι εἶναι ἐν τῇ Μηδικῇ [ ] οὐ μέντοι οἵ γε Σκύθαι ταύτῃ ἐσέβαλον ἀλλὰ τὴν κατύπερθε ὁδὸν πολλῷ μακροτέρην ἐκτραπόμενοι ἐν δεξιῇ ἔχοντες τὸ Καυκάσιον ὄρος ἐνθαῦτα οἱ μὲν Μῆδοι συμβαλόντες τοῖσι Σκύθῃσι καὶ ἑσσωθέντες τῇ μάχῃ τῆς ἀρχῆς κατελύθησαν οἱ δὲ Σκύθαι τὴν Ἀσίην πᾶσαν ἐπέσχον

ἐνθεῦτεν δὲ ἤισαν ἐπ᾽ Αἴγυπτον καὶ ἐπείτε ἐγένοντο ἐν τῇ Παλαιστίνῃ Συρίῃ Ψαμμήτιχος σφέας Αἰγύπτου βασιλεὺς ἀντιάσας δώροισί τε καὶ λιτῇσι ἀποτράπει τὸ προσωτέρω μὴ πορεύεσθαι [ ] οἳ δὲ ἐπείτε ἀναχωρέοντες ὀπίσω ἐγένοντο τῆς Συρίης ἐν Ἀσκάλωνι πόλι τῶν πλεόνων Σκυθέων παρεξελθόντων ἀσινέων ὀλίγοι τινὲς αὐτῶν ὑπολειφθέντες ἐσύλησαν τῆς οὐρανίης Ἀφροδίτης τὸ ἱρόν [ ] ἔστι δὲ τοῦτο τὸ ἱρόν ὡς ἐγὼ πυνθανόμενος εὑρίσκω πάντων ἀρχαιότατον ἱρῶν ὅσα ταύτης τῆς θεοῦ καὶ γὰρ τὸ ἐν Κύπρῳ ἱρὸν ἐνθεῦτεν ἐγένετο ὡς αὐτοὶ Κύπριοι λέγουσι καὶ τὸ ἐν Κυθήροισι Φοίνικές εἰσὶ οἱ ἱδρυσάμενοι ἐκ ταύτης τῆς Συρίης ἐόντες [ ] τοῖσι δὲ τῶν Σκυθέων συλήσασι τὸ ἱρὸν τὸ ἐν Ἀσκάλωνι καὶ τοῖσι τούτων αἰεὶ ἐκγόνοισι ἐνέσκηψε θεὸς θήλεαν νοῦσον ὥστε ἅμα λέγουσί τε οἱ Σκύθαι διὰ τοῦτο σφέας νοσέειν καὶ ὁρᾶν παρ᾽ ἑωυτοῖσι τοὺς ἀπικνεομένους ἐς τὴν Σκυθικὴν χώρην ὡς διακέαται τοὺς καλέουσι Ἐνάρεας οἱ Σκύθαι

ἐπὶ μέν νυν ὀκτὼ καὶ εἴκοσι ἔτεα ἦρχον τῆς Ἀσίης οἱ Σκύθαι καὶ τὰ πάντα σφι ὑπό τε ὕβριος καὶ ὀλιγωρίης ἀνάστατα ἦν χωρὶς μὲν γὰρ φόρον ἔπρησσον παρ᾽ ἑκάστων τὸν ἑκάστοισι ἐπέβαλλον χωρὶς δὲ τοῦ φόρου ἥρπαζον περιελαύνοντες τοῦτο τι ἔχοιεν ἕκαστοι [ ] καὶ τούτων μὲν τοὺς πλεῦνας Κυαξάρης τε καὶ Μῆδοι ξεινίσαντες καὶ καταμεθύσαντες κατεφόνευσαν καὶ οὕτω ἀνεσώσαντο τὴν ἀρχὴν Μῆδοι καὶ ἐπεκράτεον τῶν περ καὶ πρότερον καὶ τήν τε Νίνον εἷλον ὡς δὲ εἷλον ἐν ἑτέροισι λόγοισι δηλώσω καὶ τοὺς Ἀσσυρίους ὑποχειρίους ἐποιήσαντο πλὴν τῆς Βαβυλωνίης μοίρης

μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα Κυαξάρης μέν βασιλεύσας τεσσεράκοντα ἔτεα σὺν τοῖσι Σκύθαι ἦρξαν τελευτᾷ ἐκδέκεται δὲ Ἀστυάγης Κυαξάρεω παῖς τὴν βασιληίην Καὶ οἱ ἐγένετο θυγάτηρ τῇ οὔνομα ἔθετο Μανδάνην τὴν ἐδόκεε Ἀστυάγης ἐν τῷ ὕπνῳ οὐρῆσαι τοσοῦτον ὥστε πλῆσαι μὲν τὴν ἑωυτοῦ πόλιν ἐπικατακλύσαι δὲ καὶ τὴν Ἀσίην πᾶσαν ὑπερθέμενος δὲ τῶν Μάγων τοῖσι ὀνειροπόλοισι τὸ ἐνύπνιον ἐφοβήθη παρ᾽ αὐτῶν αὐτὰ ἕκαστα μαθών [ ] μετὰ δὲ τὴν Μανδάνην ταύτην ἐοῦσαν ἤδη ἀνδρὸς ὡραίην Μήδων μὲν τῶν ἑωυτοῦ ἀξίων οὐδενὶ διδοῖ γυναῖκα δεδοικὼς τὴν ὄψιν δὲ Πέρσῃ διδοῖ τῷ οὔνομα ἦν Καμβύσης τὸν εὕρισκε οἰκίης μὲν ἐόντα ἀγαθῆς τρόπου δὲ ἡσυχίου πολλῷ ἔνερθε ἄγων αὐτὸν μέσου ἀνδρὸς Μήδου

συνοικεούσης δὲ τῷ Καμβύσῃ τῆς Μανδάνης Ἀστυάγης τῷ πρώτῳ ἔτεϊ εἶδε ἄλλην ὄψιν ἐδόκεε δέ οἱ ἐκ τῶν αἰδοίων τῆς θυγατρὸς ταύτης φῦναι ἄμπελον τὴν δὲ ἄμπελον ἐπισχεῖν τὴν Ἀσίην πᾶσαν [ ] ἰδὼν δὲ τοῦτο καὶ ὑπερθέμενος τοῖσι ὀνειροπόλοισι μετεπέμψατο ἐκ τῶν Περσέων τὴν θυγατέρα ἐπίτεκα ἐοῦσαν ἀπικομένην δὲ ἐφύλασσε βουλόμενος τὸ γενόμενον ἐξ αὐτῆς διαφθεῖραι ἐκ γάρ οἱ τῆς ὄψιος οἱ τῶν Μάγων ὀνειροπόλοι ἐσήμαινον ὅτι μέλλοι τῆς θυγατρὸς αὐτοῦ γόνος βασιλεύσειν ἀντὶ ἐκείνου [ ] ταῦτα δὴ ὦν φυλασσόμενος Ἀστυάγης ὡς ἐγένετο Κῦρος καλέσας Ἅρπαγον ἄνδρα οἰκήιον καὶ πιστότατόν τε Μήδων καὶ πάντων ἐπίτροπον τῶν ἑωυτοῦ ἔλεγὲ οἱ τοιάδε [ ] Ἅρπαγε πρῆγμα τὸ ἄν τοι προσθέω μηδαμῶς παραχρήσῃ μηδὲ ἐμέ τε παραβάλῃ καὶ ἄλλους ἑλόμενος ἐξ ὑστέρης σοὶ αὐτῷ περιπέσῃς λάβε τὸν Μανδάνη ἔτεκε παῖδα φέρων δὲ ἐς σεωυτοῦ ἀπόκτεινον μετὰ δὲ θάψον τρόπῳ ὅτεῳ αὐτὸς βούλεαι [ ] δὲ ἀμείβεται βασιλεῦ οὔτε ἄλλοτε κω παρεῖδες ἀνδρὶ τῷδε ἄχαρι οὐδέν φυλασσόμεθα δὲ ἐς σὲ καὶ ἐς τὸν μετέπειτα χρόνον μηδὲν ἐξαμαρτεῖν ἀλλ᾽ εἲ τοι φίλον τοῦτο οὕτω γίνεσθαι χρὴ δὴ τό γε ἐμὸν ὑπηρετέεσθαι ἐπιτηδέως

τούτοισι ἀμειψάμενος Ἅρπαγος ὥς οἱ παρεδόθη τὸ παιδίον κεκοσμημένον τὴν ἐπὶ θανάτῳ ἤιε κλαίων ἐς τὰ οἰκία παρελθὼν δὲ ἔφραζε τῇ ἑωυτοῦ γυναικὶ τὸν πάντα Ἀστυάγεος ῥηθέντα λόγον [ ] δὲ πρὸς αὐτὸν λέγει νῦν ὦν τί σοὶ ἐν νόῳ ἐστὶ ποιέειν δὲ ἀμείβεται οὐ τῇ ἐνετέλλετο Ἀστυάγης οὐδ᾽ εἰ παραφρονήσει τε καὶ μανέεται κάκιον νῦν μαίνεται οὔ οἱ ἔγωγε προσθήσομαι τῇ γνώμῃ οὐδὲ ἐς φόνον τοιοῦτον ὑπηρετήσω [ ] πολλῶν δὲ εἵνεκα οὐ φονεύσω μιν καὶ ὅτι αὐτῷ μοι συγγενής ἐστὶ παῖς καὶ ὅτι Ἀστυάγης μὲν ἐστὶ γέρων καὶ ἅπαις ἔρσενος γόνου [ ] εἰ δ᾽ ἐθελήσει τούτου τελευτήσαντος ἐς τὴν θυγατέρα ταύτην ἀναβῆναι τυραννίς τῆς νῦν τὸν υἱὸν κτείνει δι᾽ ἐμεῦ ἄλλο τι λείπεται τὸ ἐνθεῦτεν ἐμοὶ κινδύνων μέγιστος ἀλλὰ τοῦ μὲν ἀσφαλέος εἵνεκα ἐμοὶ δεῖ τοῦτον τελευτᾶν τὸν παῖδα δεῖ μέντοι τῶν τινα Ἀστυάγεος αὐτοῦ φονέα γενέσθαι καὶ μὴ τῶν ἐμῶν

ταῦτα εἶπε καὶ αὐτίκα ἄγγελον ἔπεμπε ἐπὶ τῶν βουκόλων τῶν Ἀστυάγεος τὸν ἠπίστατο νομάς τε ἐπιτηδεοτάτας νέμοντα καὶ ὄρεα θηριωδέστατα τῷ οὔνομα ἦν Μιτραδάτης συνοίκεε δὲ ἑωυτοῦ συνδούλῃ οὔνομα δὲ τῇ γυναικὶ ἦν τῇ συνοίκεε Κυνὼ κατὰ τὴν Ἑλλήνων γλῶσσαν κατὰ δὲ τὴν Μηδικὴν Σπακώ τὴν γὰρ κύνα καλέουσι σπάκα Μῆδοι [ ] αἱ δὲ ὑπώρεαί εἰσὶ τῶν ὀρέων ἔνθα τὰς νομὰς τῶν βοῶν εἶχε οὗτος δὴ βουκόλος πρὸς βορέω τε ἀνέμου τῶν Ἀγβατάνων καὶ πρὸς τοῦ πόντου τοῦ Εὐξείνου ταύτῃ μὲν γὰρ Μηδικὴ χωρῇ πρὸς Σασπείρων ὀρεινή ἐστι κάρτα καὶ ὑψηλή τε καὶ ἴδῃσι συνηρεφής δὲ ἄλλη Μηδικὴ χωρῇ ἐστὶ πᾶσα ἄπεδος [ ] ἐπεὶ ὦν βουκόλος σπουδῇ πολλῇ καλεόμενος ἀπίκετο ἔλεγε Ἅρπαγος τάδε κελεύει σε Ἀστυάγης τὸ παιδίον τοῦτο λαβόντα θεῖναι ἐς τὸ ἐρημότατον τῶν ὀρέων ὅκως ἂν τάχιστα διαφθαρείη καὶ τάδε τοὶ ἐκέλευσε εἰπεῖν ἢν μὴ ἀποκτείνῃς αὐτὸ ἀλλὰ τεῷ τρόπῳ περιποιήσῃς ὀλέθρῳ τῷ κακίστῳ σε διαχρήσεσθαι ἐπορᾶν δὲ ἐκκείμενον τέταγμαι ἐγώ

ταῦτα ἀκούσας βουκόλος καὶ ἀναλαβὼν τὸ παιδίον ἤιε τὴν αὐτὴν ὀπίσω ὁδὸν καὶ ἀπικνέεται ἐς τὴν ἔπαυλιν τῷ δ᾽ ἄρα καὶ αὐτῷ γυνή ἐπίτεξ ἐοῦσα πᾶσαν ἡμέρην τότε κως κατὰ δαίμονα τίκτει οἰχομένου τοῦ βουκόλου ἐς πόλιν ἦσαν δὲ ἐν φροντίδι ἀμφότεροι ἀλλήλων πέρι μὲν τοῦ τόκου τῆς γυναικὸς ἀρρωδέων δὲ γυνὴ τι οὐκ ἐωθὼς Ἅρπαγος μεταπέμψαιτο αὐτῆς τὸν ἄνδρα [ ] ἐπείτε δὲ ἀπονοστήσας ἐπέστη οἷα ἐξ ἀέλπτου ἰδοῦσα γυνὴ εἴρετο προτέρη τι μιν οὕτω προθύμως Ἅρπαγος μετεπέμψατο δὲ εἶπε γύναι εἶδόν τε ἐς πόλιν ἐλθὼν καὶ ἤκουσα τὸ μήτε ἰδεῖν ὄφελον μήτε κοτὲ γενέσθαι ἐς δεσπότας τοὺς ἡμετέρους οἶκος μὲν πᾶς Ἁρπάγου κλαυθμῷ κατείχετο ἐγὼ δὲ ἐκπλαγεὶς ἤια ἔσω [ ] ὡς δὲ τάχιστα ἐσῆλθον ὁρέω παιδίον προκείμενον ἀσπαῖρόν τε καὶ κραυγανόμενον κεκοσμημένον χρυσῷ τε καὶ ἐσθῆτι ποικίλῃ Ἅρπαγος δὲ ὡς εἶδέ με ἐκέλευε τὴν ταχίστην ἀναλαβόντα τὸ παιδίον οἴχεσθαι φέροντα καὶ θεῖναι ἔνθα θηριωδέστατον εἴη τῶν ὀρέων φὰς Ἀστυάγεα εἶναι τὸν ταῦτα ἐπιθέμενόν μοι πόλλ᾽ ἀπειλήσας εἰ μή σφεα ποιήσαιμι [ ] καὶ ἐγὼ ἀναλαβὼν ἔφερον δοκέων τῶν τινος οἰκετέων εἶναι οὐ γὰρ ἂν κοτὲ κατέδοξα ἔνθεν γε ἦν ἐθάμβεον δὲ ὁρέων χρυσῷ τε καὶ εἵμασι κεκοσμημένον πρὸς δὲ καὶ κλαυθμὸν κατεστεῶτα ἐμφανέα ἐν Ἁρπάγου [ ] καὶ πρόκατε δὴ κατ᾽ ὁδὸν πυνθάνομαι τὸν πάντα λόγον θεράποντος ὃς ἐμὲ προπέμπων ἔξω πόλιος ἐνεχείρισε τὸ βρέφος ὡς ἄρα Μανδάνης τε εἴη παῖς τῆς Ἀστυάγεος θυγατρὸς καὶ Καμβύσεω τοῦ Κύρου καί μιν Ἀστυάγης ἐντέλλεται ἀποκτεῖναι νῦν τε ὅδε ἐστί

ἅμα δὲ ταῦτα ἔλεγε βουκόλος καὶ ἐκκαλύψας ἀπεδείκνυε δὲ ὡς εἶδε τὸ παιδίον μέγα τε καὶ εὐειδὲς ἐόν δακρύσασα καὶ λαβομένη τῶν γουνάτων τοῦ ἀνδρὸς ἐχρήιζε μηδεμιῇ τέχνῃ ἐκθεῖναί μιν [ ] δὲ οὐκ ἔφη οἷός τ᾽ εἶναι ἄλλως αὐτὰ ποιέειν ἐπιφοιτήσειν γὰρ κατασκόπους ἐξ Ἁρπάγου ἐποψομένους ἀπολέεσθαί τε κάκιστα ἢν μὴ σφεα ποιήσῃ ὡς δὲ οὐκ ἔπειθε ἄρα τὸν ἄνδρα δευτέρα λέγει γυνὴ τάδε ἐπεὶ τοίνυν οὐ δύναμαί σε πείθειν μὴ ἐκθεῖναι σὺ δὲ ὧδε ποίησον εἰ δὴ πᾶσα ἀνάγκη ὀφθῆναι ἐκκείμενον τέτοκα γὰρ καὶ ἐγώ τέτοκα δὲ τεθνεός [ ] τοῦτο μὲν φέρων πρόθες τὸν δὲ τῆς Ἀστυάγεος θυγατρὸς παῖδα ὡς ἐξ ἡμέων ἐόντα τρέφωμεν καὶ οὕτω οὔτε σὺ ἁλώσεαι ἀδικέων τοὺς δεσπότας οὔτε ἡμῖν κακῶς βεβουλευμένα ἔσται τε γὰρ τεθνεὼς βασιληίης ταφῆς κυρήσει καὶ περιεὼν οὐκ ἀπολέει τὴν ψυχήν

κάρτα τε ἔδοξε τῷ βουκόλῳ πρὸς τὰ παρεόντα εὖ λέγειν γυνή καὶ αὐτίκα ἐποίεε ταῦτα τὸν μὲν ἔφερε θανατώσων παῖδα τοῦτον μὲν παραδιδοῖ τῇ ἑωυτοῦ γυναικί τὸν δὲ ἑωυτοῦ ἐόντα νεκρὸν λαβὼν ἔθηκε ἐς τὸ ἄγγος ἐν τῷ ἔφερε τὸν ἕτερον [ ] κοσμήσας δὲ τῷ κόσμῳ παντὶ τοῦ ἑτέρου παιδός φέρων ἐς τὸ ἐρημότατον τῶν ὀρέων τίθει ὡς δὲ τρίτη ἡμέρη τῷ παιδίῳ ἐκκειμένῳ ἐγένετο ἤιε ἐς πόλιν βουκόλος τῶν τινα προβοσκῶν φύλακον αὐτοῦ καταλιπών ἐλθὼν δὲ ἐς τοῦ Ἁρπάγου ἀποδεικνύναι ἔφη ἕτοιμος εἶναι τοῦ παιδίου τὸν νέκυν [ ] πέμψας δὲ Ἅρπαγος τῶν ἑωυτοῦ δορυφόρων τοὺς πιστοτάτους εἶδέ τε διὰ τούτων καὶ ἔθαψε τοῦ βουκόλου τὸ παιδίον καὶ τὸ μὲν ἐτέθαπτο τὸν δὲ ὕστερον τούτων Κῦρον ὀνομασθέντα παραλαβοῦσα ἔτρεφε γυνὴ τοῦ βουκόλου οὔνομα ἄλλο κού τι καὶ οὐ Κῦρον θεμένη

καὶ ὅτε ἦν δεκαέτης παῖς πρῆγμα ἐς αὑτὸν τοιόνδε γενόμενον ἐξέφηνέ μιν ἔπαιζε ἐν τῇ κώμῃ ταύτῃ ἐν τῇ ἦσαν καὶ αἱ βουκολίαι αὗται ἔπαιζε δὲ μετ᾽ ἄλλων ἡλίκων ἐν ὁδῷ καὶ οἱ παῖδες παίζοντες εἵλοντο ἑωυτῶν βασιλέα εἶναι τοῦτον δὴ τὸν τοῦ βουκόλου ἐπίκλησιν παῖδα [ ] δὲ αὐτῶν διέταξε τοὺς μὲν οἰκίας οἰκοδομέειν τοὺς δὲ δορυφόρους εἶναι τὸν δέ κου τινὰ αὐτῶν ὀφθαλμὸν βασιλέος εἶναι τῷ δὲ τινὶ τὰς ἀγγελίας φέρειν ἐδίδου γέρας ὡς ἑκάστῳ ἔργον προστάσσων [ ] εἷς δὴ τούτων τῶν παίδων συμπαίζων ἐὼν Ἀρτεμβάρεος παῖς ἀνδρὸς δοκίμου ἐν Μήδοισι οὐ γὰρ δὴ ἐποίησε τὸ προσταχθὲν ἐκ τοῦ Κύρου ἐκέλευε αὐτὸν τοὺς ἄλλους παῖδας διαλαβεῖν πειθομένων δὲ τῶν παίδων Κῦρος τὸν παῖδα τρηχέως κάρτα περιέσπε μαστιγέων [ ] δὲ ἐπείτε μετείθη τάχιστα ὡς γε δὴ ἀνάξια ἑωυτοῦ παθών μᾶλλόν τι περιημέκτεε κατελθὼν δὲ ἐς πόλιν πρὸς τὸν πατέρα ἀποικτίζετο τῶν ὑπὸ Κύρου ἤντησε λέγων δὲ οὐ Κύρου οὐ γάρ κω ἦν τοῦτο τοὔνομα ἀλλὰ πρὸς τοῦ βουκόλου τοῦ Ἀστυάγεος παιδός [ ] δὲ Ἀρτεμβάρης ὀργῇ ὡς εἶχε ἐλθὼν παρὰ τὸν Ἀστυάγεα καὶ ἅμα ἀγόμενος τὸν παῖδα ἀνάρσια πρήγματα ἔφη πεπονθέναι λέγων βασιλεῦ ὑπὸ τοῦ σοῦ δούλου βουκόλου δὲ παιδὸς ὧδε περιυβρίσμεθα δεικνὺς τοῦ παιδὸς τοὺς ὤμους

ἀκούσας δὲ καὶ ἰδὼν Ἀστυάγης θέλων τιμωρῆσαι τῷ παιδὶ τιμῆς τῆς Ἀρτεμβάρεος εἵνεκα μετεπέμπετο τόν τε βουκόλον καὶ τὸν παῖδα ἐπείτε δὲ παρῆσαν ἀμφότεροι βλέψας πρὸς τὸν Κῦρον Ἀστυάγης ἔφη [ ] σὺ δὴ ἐὼν τοῦδε τοιούτου ἐόντος παῖς ἐτόλμησας τὸν τοῦδε παῖδα ἐόντος πρώτου παρ᾽ ἐμοὶ ἀεικείῃ τοιῇδε περισπεῖν δὲ ἀμείβετο ὧδε δέσποτα ἐγὼ ταῦτα τοῦτον ἐποίησα σὺν δίκῃ οἱ γάρ με ἐκ τῆς κώμης παῖδες τῶν καὶ ὅδε ἦν παίζοντες σφέων αὐτῶν ἐστήσαντο βασιλέα ἐδόκεον γὰρ σφι εἶναι ἐς τοῦτο ἐπιτηδεότατος [ ] οἱ μέν νυν ἄλλοι παῖδες τὰ ἐπιτασσόμενα ἐπετέλεον οὗτος δὲ ἀνηκούστεέ τε καὶ λόγον εἶχε οὐδένα ἐς ἔλαβὲ τὴν δίκην εἰ ὦν δὴ τοῦδε εἵνεκα ἄξιός τευ κακοῦ εἰμί ὅδε τοὶ πάρειμι

ταῦτα λέγοντος τοῦ παιδὸς τὸν Ἀστυάγεα ἐσήιε ἀνάγνωσις αὐτοῦ καὶ οἱ τε χαρακτὴρ τοῦ προσώπου προσφέρεσθαι ἐδόκεε ἐς ἑωυτὸν καὶ ὑπόκρισις ἐλευθερωτέρη εἶναι τε χρόνος τῆς ἐκθέσιος τῇ ἡλικίῃ τοῦ παιδὸς ἐδόκεε συμβαίνειν [ ] ἐκπλαγεὶς δὲ τούτοισι ἐπὶ χρόνον ἄφθογγος ἦν μόγις δὲ δή κοτε ἀνενειχθεὶς εἶπε θέλων ἐκπέμψαι τὸν Ἀρτεμβάρεα ἵνα τὸν βουκόλον μοῦνον λαβὼν βασανίσῃ Ἀρτέμβαρες ἐγὼ ταῦτα ποιήσω ὥστε σὲ καὶ τὸν παῖδα τὸν σὸν μηδὲν ἐπιμέμφεσθαι [ ] τὸν μὲν δὴ Ἀρτεμβάρεα πέμπει τὸν δὲ Κῦρον ἦγον ἔσω οἱ θεράποντες κελεύσαντος τοῦ Ἀστυάγεος ἐπεὶ δὲ ὑπελέλειπτο βουκόλος μοῦνος μουνόθεν τάδε αὐτὸν εἴρετο Ἀστυάγεος κόθεν λάβοι τὸν παῖδα καὶ τίς εἴη παραδούς [ ] δὲ ἐξ ἑωυτοῦ τε ἔφη γεγονέναι καὶ τὴν τεκοῦσαν αὐτὸν εἶναι ἔτι παρ᾽ ἑωυτῷ Ἀστυάγης δὲ μιν οὐκ εὖ βουλεύεσθαι ἔφη ἐπιθυμέοντα ἐς ἀνάγκας μεγάλας ἀπικνέεσθαι ἅμα τε λέγων ταῦτα ἐσήμαινε τοῖσι δορυφόροισι λαμβάνειν αὐτόν [ ] δὲ ἀγόμενος ἐς τὰς ἀνάγκας οὕτω δὴ ἔφαινε τὸν ἐόντα λόγον ἀρχόμενος δὲ ἀπ᾽ ἀρχῆς διεξήιε τῇ ἀληθείῃ χρεώμενος καὶ κατέβαινε ἐς λιτάς τε καὶ συγγνώμην ἑωυτῷ κελεύων ἔχειν αὐτόν

Ἀστυάγης δὲ τοῦ μὲν βουκόλου τὴν ἀληθείην ἐκφήναντος λόγον ἤδη καὶ ἐλάσσω ἐποιέετο Ἁρπάγῳ δὲ καὶ μεγάλως μεμφόμενος καλέειν αὐτὸν τοὺς δορυφόρους ἐκέλευε [ ] ὡς δέ οἱ παρῆν Ἅρπαγος εἴρετό μιν Ἀστυάγης Ἅρπαγε τέῳ δὴ μόρῳ τὸν παῖδα κατεχρήσαο τόν τοι παρέδωκα ἐκ θυγατρὸς γεγονότα τῆς ἐμῆς δὲ Ἅρπαγος ὡς εἶδε τὸν βουκόλον ἔνδον ἐόντα οὐ τρέπεται ἐπὶ ψευδέα ὁδόν ἵνα μὴ ἐλεγχόμενος ἁλίσκηται ἀλλὰ λέγει τάδε [ ] βασιλεῦ ἐπείτε παρέλαβον τὸ παιδίον ἐβούλευον σκοπέων ὅκως σοί τε ποιήσω κατὰ νόον καὶ ἐγὼ πρὸς σὲ γινόμενος ἀναμάρτητος μήτε θυγατρὶ τῇ σῇ μήτε αὐτῷ σοὶ εἴην αὐθέντης [ ] ποιέω δὴ ὧδε καλέσας τὸν βουκόλον τόνδε παραδίδωμι τὸ παιδίον φὰς σέ τε εἶναι τὸν κελεύοντα ἀποκτεῖναι αὐτό καὶ λέγων τοῦτό γε οὐκ ἐψευδόμην σὺ γὰρ ἐνετέλλεο οὕτω παραδίδωμι μέντοι τῷδε κατὰ τάδε ἐντειλάμενος θεῖναὶ μιν ἐς ἔρημον ὄρος καὶ παραμένοντα φυλάσσειν ἄχρι οὗ τελευτήσῃ ἀπειλήσας παντοῖα τῷδε ἢν μὴ τάδε ἐπιτελέα ποιήσῃ [ ] ἐπείτε δὲ ποιήσαντος τούτου τὰ κελευόμενα ἐτελεύτησε τὸ παιδίον πέμψας τῶν εὐνούχων τοὺς πιστοτάτους καὶ εἶδον δι᾽ ἐκείνων καὶ ἔθαψά μιν οὕτω ἔσχε βασιλεῦ περὶ τοῦ πρήγματος τούτου καὶ τοιούτῳ μόρῳ ἐχρήσατο παῖς

ἅρπαγος μὲν δὴ τὸν ἰθὺν ἔφαινε λόγον Ἀστυάγης δὲ κρύπτων τὸν οἱ ἐνεῖχε χόλον διὰ τὸ γεγονός πρῶτα μέν κατά περ ἤκουσε αὐτὸς πρὸς τοῦ βουκόλου τὸ πρῆγμα πάλιν ἀπηγέετο τῷ Ἁρπάγῳ μετὰ δὲ ὣς οἱ ἐπαλιλλόγητο κατέβαινε λέγων ὡς περίεστί τε παῖς καὶ τὸ γεγονὸς ἔχει καλῶς [ ] τῷ τε γὰρ πεποιημένῳ ἔφη λέγων ἐς τὸν παῖδα τοῦτον ἔκαμνον μεγάλως καὶ θυγατρὶ τῇ ἐμῇ διαβεβλημένος οὐκ ἐν ἐλαφρῷ ἐποιεύμην ὡς ὦν τῆς τύχης εὖ μετεστεώσης τοῦτο μὲν τὸν σεωυτοῦ παῖδα ἀπόπεμψον παρὰ τὸν παῖδα τὸν νεήλυδα τοῦτο δὲ σῶστρα γὰρ τοῦ παιδὸς μέλλω θύειν τοῖσι θεῶν τιμὴ αὕτη προσκέεται πάρισθί μοι ἐπὶ δεῖπνον

ἅρπαγος μὲν ὡς ἤκουσε ταῦτα προσκυνήσας καὶ μεγάλα ποιησάμενος ὅτι τε ἁμαρτὰς οἱ ἐς δέον ἐγεγόνεε καὶ ὅτι ἐπὶ τύχῃσι χρηστῇσι ἐπὶ δεῖπνον ἐκέκλητο ἤιε ἐς τὰ οἰκία [ ] ἐσελθὼν δὲ τὴν ταχίστην ἦν γὰρ οἱ παῖς εἷς μοῦνος ἔτεα τρία καὶ δέκα κου μάλιστα γεγονώς τοῦτον ἐκπέμπεν ἰέναι τε κελεύων ἐς Ἀστυάγεος καὶ ποιέειν τι ἂν ἐκεῖνος κελεύῃ αὐτὸς δὲ περιχαρὴς ἐὼν φράζει τῇ γυναικὶ τὰ συγκυρήσαντα [ ] Ἀστυάγης δέ ὥς οἱ ἀπίκετο Ἁρπάγου παῖς σφάξας αὐτὸν καὶ κατὰ μέλεα διελὼν τὰ μὲν ὤπτησε τὰ δὲ ἥψησε τῶν κρεῶν εὔτυκα δὲ ποιησάμενος εἶχε ἕτοιμα [ ] ἐπείτε δὲ τῆς ὥρης γινομένης τοῦ δείπνου παρῆσαν οἵ τε ἄλλοι δαιτυμόνες καὶ Ἅρπαγος τοῖσι μὲν ἄλλοισι καὶ αὐτῷ Ἀστυάγεϊ παρετιθέατο τράπεζαι ἐπίπλεαι μηλέων κρεῶν Ἁρπάγῳ δὲ τοῦ παιδὸς τοῦ ἑωυτοῦ πλὴν κεφαλῆς τε καὶ ἄκρων χειρῶν τε καὶ ποδῶν τἄλλα πάντα ταῦτα δὲ χωρὶς ἔκειτο ἐπὶ κανέῳ κατακεκαλυμμένα [ ] ὡς δὲ τῷ Ἁρπάγῳ ἐδόκεε ἅλις ἔχειν τῆς βορῆς Ἀστυάγης εἴρετό μιν εἰ ἡσθείη τι τῇ θοίνῃ φαμένου δὲ Ἁρπάγου καὶ κάρτα ἡσθῆναι παρέφερον τοῖσι προσέκειτο τὴν κεφαλὴν τοῦ παιδὸς κατακεκαλυμμένην καὶ τὰς χεῖρας καὶ τοὺς πόδας Ἅρπαγον δὲ ἐκέλευον προσστάντες ἀποκαλύπτειν τε καὶ λαβεῖν τὸ βούλεται αὐτῶν [ ] πειθόμενος δὲ Ἅρπαγος καὶ ἀποκαλύπτων ὁρᾷ τοῦ παιδὸς τὰ λείμματα ἰδὼν δὲ οὔτε ἐξεπλάγη ἐντός τε ἑωυτοῦ γίνεται εἴρετο δὲ αὐτὸν Ἀστυάγης εἰ γινώσκοι ὅτευ θηρίου κρέα βεβρώκοι [ ] δὲ καὶ γινώσκειν ἔφη καὶ ἀρεστὸν εἶναι πᾶν τὸ ἂν βασιλεὺς ἔρδῃ τούτοισι δὲ ἀμειψάμενος καὶ ἀναλαβὼν τὰ λοιπὰ τῶν κρεῶν ἤιε ἐς τὰ οἰκία ἐνθεῦτεν δὲ ἔμελλε ὡς ἐγὼ δοκέω ἁλίσας θάψειν τὰ πάντα

Ἁρπάγῳ μὲν Ἀστυάγης δίκην ταύτην ἐπέθηκε Κύπου δὲ πέρι βουλεύων ἐκάλεε τοὺς αὐτοὺς τῶν Μάγων οἳ τὸ ἐνύπνιὸν οἱ ταύτῃ ἔκριναν ἀπικομένους δὲ εἴρετο Ἁστυάγης τῇ ἔκρινάν οἱ τὴν ὄψιν οἳ δὲ κατὰ ταὐτὰ εἶπαν λέγοντες ὡς βασιλεῦσαι χρῆν τὸν παῖδα εἰ ἐπέζωσε καὶ μὴ ἀπέθανε πρότερον [ ] δὲ ἀμείβεται αὐτοὺς τοῖσιδε ἔστι τε παῖς καὶ περίεστι καί μιν ἐπ᾽ ἀγροῦ διαιτώμενον οἱ ἐκ τῆς κώμης παῖδες ἐστήσαντο βασιλέα δὲ πάντα ὅσα περ οἱ ἀληθέι λόγῳ βασιλέες ἐτελέωσε ποιήσας καὶ γὰρ δορυφόρους καὶ θυρωροὺς καὶ ἀγγελιηφόρους καὶ τὰ λοιπὰ πάντα διατάξας ἦρχε [ ] καὶ νῦν ἐς τί ὑμῖν ταῦτα φαίνεται φέρειν εἶπαν οἱ Μάγοι εἰ μὲν περίεστί τε καὶ ἐβασίλευσε παῖς μὴ ἐκ προνοίης τινός θάρσεέ τε τούτου εἵνεκα καὶ θυμὸν ἔχε ἀγαθόν οὐ γὰρ ἔτι τὸ δεύτερον ἄρχει παρὰ σμικρὰ γὰρ καὶ τῶν λογίων ἡμῖν ἔνια κεχώρηκε καὶ τά γε τῶν ὀνειράτων ἐχόμενα τελέως ἐς ἀσθενὲς ἔρχεται [ ] ἀμείβεται Ἀστυάγης τοῖσιδε καὶ αὐτὸς Μάγοι ταύτῃ πλεῖστος γνώμην εἰμί βασιλέος ὀνομασθέντος τοῦ παιδὸς ἐξήκειν τε τὸν ὄνειρον καί μοι τὸν παῖδα τοῦτον εἶναι δεινὸν ἔτι οὐδέν ὅμως μέν γέ τοι συμβουλεύσατέ μοι εὖ περισκεψάμενοι τὰ μέλλει ἀσφαλέστατα εἶναι οἴκῳ τε τῷ ἐμῷ καὶ ὑμῖν [ ] εἶπαν πρὸς ταῦτα οἱ Μάγοι βασιλεῦ καὶ αὐτοῖσι ἡμῖν περὶ πολλοῦ ἐστι κατορθοῦσθαι ἀρχὴν τὴν σήν κείνως μὲν γὰρ ἀλλοτριοῦται ἐς τὸν παῖδα τοῦτον περιιοῦσα ἐόντα Πέρσην καὶ ἡμεῖς ἐόντες Μῆδοι δουλούμεθά τε καὶ λόγου οὐδενὸς γινόμεθα πρὸς Περσέων ἐόντες ξεῖνοι σέο δ᾽ ἐνεστεῶτος βασιλέος ἐόντος πολιήτεω καὶ ἄρχομεν τὸ μέρος καὶ τιμὰς πρὸς σέο μεγάλας ἔχομεν [ ] οὕτω ὦν πάντως ἡμῖν σέο καὶ τῆς σῆς ἀρχῆς προοπτέον ἐστί καὶ νῦν εἰ φοβερόν τι ἐνωρῶμεν πᾶν ἂν σοὶ προεφράζομεν νῦν δὲ ἀποσκήψαντος τοῦ ἐνυπνίου ἐς φαῦλον αὐτοί τε θαρσέομεν καὶ σοὶ ἕτερα τοιαῦτα παρακελευόμεθα τὸν δὲ παῖδα τοῦτον ἐξ ὀφθαλμῶν ἀπόπεμψαι ἐς Πέρσας τε καὶ τοὺς γειναμένους

ἀκούσας ταῦτα Ἀστυάγης ἐχάρη τε καὶ καλέσας τὸν Κῦρον ἔλεγέ οἱ τάδε παῖ σὲ γὰρ ἐγὼ δι᾽ ὄψιν ὀνείρου οὐ τελέην ἠδίκεον τῇ σεωυτοῦ δὲ μοίρῃ περίεις νῦν ὦν ἴθι χαίρων ἐς Πέρσας πομποὺς δὲ ἐγὼ ἅμα πέμψω ἐλθὼν δὲ ἐκεῖ πατέρα τε καὶ μητέρα εὑρήσεις οὐ κατὰ Μιτραδάτην τε τὸν βουκόλον καὶ τὴν γυναῖκα αὐτοῦ

ταῦτα εἶπας Ἀστυάγης ἀποπέμπει τὸν Κῦρον νοστήσαντα δέ μιν ἐς τοῦ Καμβύσεω τὰ οἰκία ἐδέξαντο οἱ γεινάμενοι καὶ δεξάμενοι ὡς ἐπύθοντο μεγάλως ἀσπάζοντο οἷα δὴ ἐπιστάμενοι αὐτίκα τότε τελευτῆσαι ἱστόρεόν τε ὅτεῳ τρόπῳ περιγένοιτο [ ] δέ σφι ἔλεγε φὰς πρὸ τοῦ μὲν οὐκ εἰδέναι ἀλλ᾽ ἡμαρτηκέναι πλεῖστον κατ᾽ ὁδὸν δὲ πυθέσθαι πᾶσαν τὴν ἑωυτοῦ πάθην ἐπίστασθαι μὲν γὰρ ὡς βουκόλου τοῦ Ἀστυάγεος εἴη παῖς ἀπὸ δὲ τῆς κεῖθεν ὁδοῦ τὸν πάντα λόγον τῶν πομπῶν πυθέσθαι [ ] τραφῆναι δὲ ἔλεγε ὑπὸ τῆς τοῦ βουκόλου γυναικός ἤιέ τε ταύτην αἰνέων διὰ παντός ἦν τέ οἱ ἐν τῷ λόγῳ τὰ πάντα Κυνώ οἱ δὲ τοκέες παραλαβόντες τὸ οὔνομα τοῦτο ἵνα θειοτέρως δοκέῃ τοῖσι Πέρσῃσι περιεῖναί σφι παῖς κατέβαλον φάτιν ὡς ἐκκείμενον Κῦρον κύων ἐξέθρεψε

ἐνθεῦτεν μὲν φάτις αὕτη κεχώρηκε Κύρῳ δὲ ἀνδρευμένῳ καὶ ἐόντι τῶν ἡλίκων ἀνδρηιοτάτῳ καὶ προσφιλεστάτῳ προσέκειτο Ἅρπαγος δῶρα πέμπων τίσασθαι Ἀστυάγεα ἐπιθυμέων ἀπ᾽ ἑωυτοῦ γὰρ ἐόντος ἰδιώτεω οὐκ ἐνώρα τιμωρίην ἐσομένην ἐς Ἀστυάγεα Κῦρον δὲ ὁρέων ἐπιτρεφόμενον ἐποιέετο σύμμαχον τὰς πάθας τὰς Κύρου τῇσι ἑωυτοῦ ὁμοιούμενος [ ] πρὸ δ᾽ ἔτι τούτου τάδε οἱ κατέργαστο ἐόντος τοῦ Ἀστυάγεος πικροῦ ἐς τοὺς Μήδους συμμίσγων ἑνὶ ἑκάστῳ Ἅρπαγος τῶν πρώτων Μήδων ἀνέπειθε ὡς χρὴ Κῦρον προστησαμένους Ἀστυάγεα παῦσαι τῆς βασιληίης [ ] κατεργασμένου δέ οἱ τούτου καὶ ἐόντος ἑτοίμου οὕτω δὴ τῷ Κύρῳ διαιτωμένῳ ἐν Πέρσῃσι βουλόμενος Ἅρπαγος δηλῶσαι τὴν ἑωυτοῦ γνώμην ἄλλως μὲν οὐδαμῶς εἶχε ἅτε τῶν ὁδῶν φυλασσομενέων δὲ ἐπιτεχνᾶται τοιόνδε [ ] λαγὸν μηχανησάμενος καὶ ἀνασχίσας τούτου τὴν γαστέρα καὶ οὐδὲν ἀποτίλας ὡς δὲ εἶχε οὕτω ἐσέθηκε βυβλίον γράψας τά οἱ ἐδόκεε ἀπορράψας δὲ τοῦ λαγοῦ τὴν γαστέρα καὶ δίκτυα δοὺς ἅτε θηρευτῇ τῶν οἰκετέων τῷ πιστοτάτῳ ἀπέστελλε ἐς τοὺς Πέρσας ἐντειλάμενὸς οἱ ἀπὸ γλώσσης διδόντα τὸν λαγὸν Κύρῳ ἐπειπεῖν αὐτοχειρίῃ μιν διελεῖν καὶ μηδένα οἱ ταῦτα ποιεῦντι παρεῖναι

ταῦτά τε δὴ ὦν ἐπιτελέα ἐγίνετο καὶ Κῦρος παραλαβὼν τὸν λαγὸν ἀνέσχισε εὑρὼν δὲ ἐν αὐτῷ τὸ βυβλίον ἐνεὸν λαβὼν ἐπελέγετο τὰ δὲ γράμματα ἔλεγε τάδε παῖ Καμβύσεω σὲ γὰρ θεοὶ ἐπορῶσι οὐ γὰρ ἂν κοτὲ ἐς τοσοῦτο τύχης ἀπίκευ σύ νυν Ἀστυάγεα τὸν σεωυτοῦ φονέα τῖσαι [ ] κατὰ μὲν γὰρ τὴν τούτου προθυμίην τέθνηκας τὸ δὲ κατὰ θεούς τε καὶ ἐμὲ περίεις τά σε καὶ πάλαι δοκέω πάντα ἐκμεμαθηκέναι σέο τε αὐτοῦ περὶ ὡς ἐπρήχθη καὶ οἷα ἐγὼ ὑπὸ Ἀστυάγεος πέπονθα ὅτι σε οὐκ ἀπέκτεινα ἀλλὰ ἔδωκα τῷ βουκόλῳ σύ νυν ἢν βούλῃ ἐμοὶ πείθεσθαι τῆς περ Ἀστυάγης ἄρχει χώρης ταύτης ἁπάσης ἄρξεις Πέρσας γὰρ ἀναπείσας ἀπίστασθαι στρατηλάτεε ἐπὶ Μήδους [ ] καὶ ἤν τε ἐγὼ ὑπὸ Ἀστυάγεος ἀποδεχθέω στρατηγὸς ἀντία σεῦ ἔστι τοι τὰ σὺ βούλεαι ἤν τε τῶν τις δοκίμων ἄλλος Μήδων πρῶτοι γὰρ οὗτοι ἀποστάντες ἀπ᾽ ἐκείνου καὶ γενόμενοι πρὸς σέο Ἀστυάγεα καταιρέειν πειρήσονται ὡς ὦν ἑτοίμου τοῦ γε ἐνθάδε ἐόντος ποίεε ταῦτα καὶ ποίεε κατὰ τάχος

ἀκούσας ταῦτα Κῦρος ἐφρόντιζε ὅτεῳ τρόπῳ σοφωτάτῳ Πέρσας ἀναπείσει ἀπίστασθαι φροντίζων δὲ εὑρίσκεται ταῦτα καιριώτατα εἶναι ἐποίεε δὴ ταῦτα [ ] γράψας ἐς βυβλίον τὰ ἐβούλετο ἁλίην τῶν Περσέων ἐποιήσατο μετὰ δὲ ἀναπτύξας τὸ βυβλίον καὶ ἐπιλεγόμενος ἔφη Ἀστυάγεά μιν στρατηγὸν Περσέων ἀποδεικνύναι νῦν τε ἔφη λέγων Πέρσαι προαγορεύω ὑμῖν παρεῖναι ἕκαστον ἔχοντα δρέπανον Κῦρος μὲν ταῦτα προηγόρευσε ἔστι δὲ Πέρσεων συχνὰ γένεα καὶ τὰ μὲν αὐτῶν Κῦρος συνάλισε καὶ ἀνέπεισε ἀπίστασθαι ἀπὸ Μήδων [ ] ἔστι δὲ τάδε ἐξ ὧν ὧλλοι πάντες ἀρτέαται Πέρσαι Πασαργάδαι Μαράφιοι Μάσπιοι τούτων Πασαργάδαι εἰσὶ ἄριστοι ἐν τοῖσι καὶ Ἀχαιμενίδαι εἰσὶ φρήτρη ἔνθεν οἱ βασιλέες οἱ Περσεῖδαι γεγόνασι [ ] ἄλλοι δὲ Πέρσαι εἰσὶ οἵδε Πανθιαλαῖοι Δηρουσιαῖοι Γερμάνιοι οὗτοι μὲν πάντες ἀροτῆρες εἰσί οἱ δὲ ἄλλοι νομάδες Δάοι Μάρδοι Δροπικοὶ Σαγάρτιοι

ὡς δὲ παρῆσαν ἅπαντες ἔχοντες τὸ προειρημένον ἐνθαῦτα Κῦρος ἦν γάρ τις χῶρος τῆς Περσικῆς ἀκανθώδης ὅσον τε ἐπὶ ὀκτωκαίδεκα σταδίους εἴκοσι πάντῃ τοῦτον σφι τὸν χῶρον προεῖπε ἐξημερῶσαι ἐν ἡμέρῃ [ ] ἐπιτελεσάντων δὲ τῶν Περσέων τὸν προκείμενον ἄεθλον δεύτερα σφι προεῖπε ἐς τὴν ὑστεραίην παρεῖναι λελουμένους ἐν δὲ τούτῳ τά τε αἰπόλια καὶ τὰς ποίμνας καὶ τὰ βουκόλια Κῦρος πάντα τοῦ πατρὸς συναλίσας ἐς τὠυτὸ ἔθυσε καὶ παρεσκεύαζε ὡς δεξόμενος τὸν Περσέων στρατόν πρὸς δὲ οἴνῳ τε καὶ σιτίοισι ὡς ἐπιτηδεοτάτοισι [ ] ἀπικομένους δὲ τῇ ὑστεραίῃ τοὺς Πέρσας κατακλίνας ἐς λειμῶνα εὐώχεε ἐπείτε δὲ ἀπὸ δείπνου ἦσαν εἴρετο σφέας Κῦρος κότερα τὰ τῇ προτεραίῃ εἶχον τὰ παρεόντα σφι εἴη αἱρετώτερα [ ] οἳ δὲ ἔφασαν πολλὸν εἶναι αὐτῶν τὸ μέσον τὴν μὲν γὰρ προτέρην ἡμέρην πάντα σφι κακὰ ἔχειν τὴν δὲ τότε παρεοῦσαν πάντα ἀγαθά παραλαβὼν δὲ τοῦτο τὸ ἔπος Κῦρος παρεγύμνου τὸν πάντα λόγον λέγων [ ] ἄνδρες Πέρσαι οὕτω ὑμῖν ἔχει βουλομένοισι μὲν ἐμέο πείθεσθαί ἔστι τάδε τε καὶ ἄλλα μυρία ἀγαθά οὐδένα πόνον δουλοπρεπέα ἔχουσι μὴ βουλομένοισι δὲ ἐμέο πείθεσθαι εἰσὶ ὑμῖν πόνοι τῷ χθιζῷ παραπλήσιοι ἀναρίθμητοι [ ] νῦν ὦν ἐμέο πειθόμενοι γίνεσθε ἐλεύθεροι αὐτός τε γὰρ δοκέω θείῃ τύχῃ γεγονὼς τάδε ἐς χεῖρας ἄγεσθαι καὶ ὑμέας ἥγημαι ἄνδρας Μήδων εἶναι οὐ φαυλοτέρους οὔτε τἄλλα οὔτε τὰ πολέμια ὡς ὦν ἐχόντων ὧδε ἀπίστασθε ἀπ᾽ Ἀστυάγεος τὴν ταχίστην

πέρσαι μέν νυν προστάτεω ἐπιλαβόμενοι ἄσμενοὶ ἐλευθεροῦντο καὶ πάλαι δεινὸν ποιεύμενοι ὑπὸ Μήδων ἄρχεσθαι Ἀστυάγης δὲ ὡς ἐπύθετο Κῦρον ταῦτα πρήσσοντα πέμψας ἄγγελον ἐκάλεε αὐτόν [ ] δὲ Κῦρος ἐκέλευε τὸν ἄγγελον ἀπαγγέλλειν ὅτι πρότερον ἥξοι παρ᾽ ἐκεῖνον Ἀστυάγης αὐτὸς βουλήσεται ἀκούσας δὲ ταῦτα Ἀστυάγης Μήδους τε ὥπλισε πάντας καὶ στρατηγὸν αὐτῶν ὥστε θεοβλαβὴς ἐὼν Ἅρπαγον ἀπέδεξε λήθην ποιεύμενος τά μιν ἐόργεε [ ] ὡς δὲ οἱ Μῆδοι στρατευσάμενοι τοῖσι Πέρσῃσι συνέμισγον οἳ μέν τινὲς αὐτῶν ἐμάχοντο ὅσοι μὴ τοῦ λόγου μετέσχον οἳ δὲ αὐτομόλεον πρὸς τοὺς Πέρσας οἱ δὲ πλεῖστοι ἐθελοκάκεόν τε καὶ ἔφευγον

διαλυθέντος δὲ τοῦ Μηδικοῦ στρατεύματος αἰσχρῶς ὡς ἐπύθετο τάχιστα Ἀστυάγης ἔφη ἀπειλέων τῷ Κύρῳ ἀλλ᾽ οὐδ᾽ ὣς Κῦρός γε χαιρήσει [ ] τοσαῦτα εἶπας πρῶτον μὲν τῶν Μάγων τοὺς ὀνειροπόλους οἵ μιν ἀνέγνωσαν μετεῖναι τὸν Κῦρον τούτους ἀνεσκολόπισε μετὰ δὲ ὥπλισε τοὺς ὑπολειφθέντας ἐν τῷ ἄστεϊ τῶν Μήδων νέους τε καὶ πρεσβύτας ἄνδρας [ ] ἐξαγαγὼν δὲ τούτους καὶ συμβαλὼν τοῖσι Πέρῃσι ἑσσώθη καὶ αὐτός τε Ἀστυάγης ἐζωγρήθη καὶ τοὺς ἐξήγαγε τῶν Μήδων ἀπέβαλε

ἐόντι δὲ αἰχμαλώτῳ τῷ Ἀστυάγεϊ προσστὰς Ἅρπαγος κατέχαιρέ τε καὶ κατεκερτόμεε καὶ ἄλλα λέγων ἐς αὐτὸν θυμαλγέα ἔπεα καὶ δὴ καὶ εἴρετό μιν πρὸς τὸ ἑωυτοῦ δεῖπνον τὸ μιν ἐκεῖνος σαρξὶ τοῦ παιδὸς ἐθοίνησε τι εἴη ἐκείνου δουλοσύνη ἀντὶ τῆς βασιληίης [ ] δέ μιν προσιδὼν ἀντείρετο εἰ ἑωυτοῦ ποιέεται τὸ Κύρου ἔργον Ἅρπαγος δὲ ἔφη αὐτὸς γὰρ γράψαι τὸ πρῆγμα ἑωυτοῦ δὴ δικαίως εἶναι [ ] Ἀστυάγης δέ μιν ἀπέφαινε τῷ λόγῳ σκαιότατόν τε καὶ ἀδικώτατον ἐόντα πάντων ἀνθρώπων σκαιότατον μέν γε εἰ παρεὸν αὐτῷ βασιλέα γενέσθαι εἰ δὴ δι᾽ ἑωυτοῦ γε ἐπρήχθη τὰ παρεόντα ἄλλῳ περιέθηκε τὸ κράτος ἀδικώτατον δέ ὅτι τοῦ δείπνου εἵνεκεν Μήδους κατεδούλωσε [ ] εἰ γὰρ δὴ δεῖν πάντως περιθεῖναι ἄλλῳ τεῷ τὴν βασιληίην καὶ μὴ αὐτὸν ἔχειν δικαιότερον εἶναι Μήδων τεῷ περιβαλεῖν τοῦτο τὸ ἀγαθὸν Περσέων νῦν δὲ Μήδους μὲν ἀναιτίους τούτου ἐόντας δούλους ἀντὶ δεσποτέων γεγονέναι Πέρσας δὲ δούλους ἐόντας τὸ πρὶν Μήδων νῦν γεγονέναι δεσπότας

Ἀστυάγης μέν νυν βασιλεύσας ἐπ᾽ ἔτεα πέντε καὶ τριήκοντα οὕτω τῆς βασιληίης κατεπαύσθη Μῆδοι δὲ ὑπέκυψαν Πέρσῃσι διὰ τὴν τούτου πικρότητα ἄρξαντες τῆς ἄνω Ἅλυος ποταμοῦ Ἀσίης ἐπ᾽ ἔτεα τριήκοντα καὶ ἑκατὸν δυῶν δέοντα πάρεξ ὅσον οἱ Σκύθαι ἦρχον [ ] ὑστέρῳ μέντοι χρόνῳ μετεμέλησέ τέ σφι ταῦτα ποιήσασι καὶ ἀπέστησαν ἀπὸ Δαρείου ἀποστάντες δὲ ὀπίσω κατεστράφθησαν μάχῃ νικηθέντες τότε δὲ ἐπὶ Ἀστυάγεος οἱ Πέρσαι τε καὶ Κῦρος ἐπαναστάντες τοῖσι Μήδοισι ἦρχον τὸ ἀπὸ τούτου τῆς Ἀσίης [ ] Ἀστυάγεα δὲ Κῦρος κακὸν οὐδὲν ἄλλο ποιήσας εἶχε παρ᾽ ἑωυτῷ ἐς ἐτελεύτησε οὕτω δὴ Κῦρος γενόμενός τε καὶ τραφεὶς ἐβασίλευσε καὶ Κροῖσον ὕστερον τούτων ἄρξαντα ἀδικίης κατεστρέψατο ὡς εἴρηταί μοι πρότερον τοῦτον δὲ καταστρεψάμενος οὕτω πάσης τῆς Ἀσίης ἦρξε

Πέρσας δὲ οἶδα νόμοισι τοιοῖσιδε χρεωμένους ἀγάλματα μὲν καὶ νηοὺς καὶ βωμοὺς οὐκ ἐν νόμῳ ποιευμένους ἱδρύεσθαι ἀλλὰ καὶ τοῖσι ποιεῦσι μωρίην ἐπιφέρουσι ὡς μὲν ἐμοὶ δοκέειν ὅτι οὐκ ἀνθρωποφυέας ἐνόμισαν τοὺς θεοὺς κατά περ οἱ Ἕλληνες εἶναι [ ] οἳ δὲ νομίζουσι Διὶ μὲν ἐπὶ τὰ ὑψηλότατα τῶν ὀρέων ἀναβαίνοντες θυσίας ἔρδειν τὸν κύκλον πάντα τοῦ οὐρανοῦ Δία καλέοντες θύουσι δὲ ἡλίῳ τε καὶ σελήνῃ καὶ γῇ καὶ πυρὶ καὶ ὕδατι καὶ ἀνέμοισι [ ] τούτοισι μὲν δὴ θύουσι μούνοισι ἀρχῆθεν ἐπιμεμαθήκασι δὲ καὶ τῇ Οὐρανίῃ θύειν παρά τε Ἀσσυρίων μαθόντες καὶ Ἀραβίων καλέουσι δὲ Ἀσσύριοι τὴν Ἀφροδίτην Μύλιττα Ἀράβιοι δὲ Ἀλιλάτ Πέρσαι δὲ Μίτραν

θυσίη δὲ τοῖσι Πέρσῃσι περὶ τοὺς εἰρημένους θεοὺς ἥδε κατέστηκε οὔτε βωμοὺς ποιεῦνται οὔτε πῦρ ἀνακαίουσι μέλλοντες θύειν οὐ σπονδῇ χρέωνται οὐκὶ αὐλῷ οὐ στέμμασι οὐκὶ οὐλῇσι τῶν δὲ ὡς ἑκάστῳ θύειν θέλῃ ἐς χῶρον καθαρὸν ἀγαγὼν τὸ κτῆνος καλέει τὸν θεόν ἐστεφανωμένος τὸν τιάραν μυρσίνῃ μάλιστα [ ] ἑωυτῷ μὲν δὴ τῷ θύοντι ἰδίῃ μούνῳ οὔ οἱ ἐγγίνεται ἀρᾶσθαι ἀγαθά δὲ τοῖσι πᾶσι Πέρσῃσι κατεύχεται εὖ γίνεσθαι καὶ τῷ βασιλέι ἐν γὰρ δὴ τοῖσι ἅπασι Πέρσῃσι καὶ αὐτὸς γίνεται ἐπεὰν δὲ διαμιστύλας κατὰ μέλεα τὸ ἱρήιον ἑψήσῃ τὰ κρέα ὑποπάσας ποίην ὡς ἁπαλωτάτην μάλιστα δὲ τὸ τρίφυλλον ἐπὶ ταύτης ἔθηκε ὦν πάντα τὰ κρέα [ ] διαθέντος δὲ αὐτοῦ Μάγος ἀνὴρ παρεστεὼς ἐπαείδει θεογονίην οἵην δὴ ἐκεῖνοι λέγουσι εἶναι τὴν ἐπαοιδήν ἄνευ γὰρ δὴ Μάγου οὔ σφι νόμος ἐστὶ θυσίας ποιέεσθαι ἐπισχὼν δὲ ὀλίγον χρόνον ἀποφέρεται θύσας τὰ κρέα καὶ χρᾶται τι μιν λόγος αἱρέει

ἡμέρην δὲ ἁπασέων μάλιστα ἐκείνην τιμᾶν νομίζουσι τῇ ἕκαστος ἐγένετο ἐν ταύτῃ δὲ πλέω δαῖτα τῶν ἀλλέων δικαιεῦσι προτίθεσθαι ἐν τῇ οἱ εὐδαίμονες αὐτῶν βοῦν καὶ ἵππον καὶ κάμηλον καὶ ὄνον προτιθέαται ὅλους ὀπτοὺς ἐν καμίνοισι οἱ δὲ πένητες αὐτῶν τὰ λεπτὰ τῶν προβάτων προτιθέαται [ ] σίτοισι δὲ ὀλίγοισι χρέωνται ἐπιφορήμασι δὲ πολλοῖσι καὶ οὐκ ἁλέσι καὶ διὰ τοῦτο φασὶ Πέρσαι τοὺς Ἕλληνας σιτεομένους πεινῶντας παύεσθαι ὅτι σφι ἀπὸ δείπνου παραφορέεται οὐδὲν λόγου ἄξιον εἰ δέ τι παραφέροιτο ἐσθίοντας ἂν οὐ παύεσθαι [ ] οἴνῳ δὲ κάρτα προσκέαται καί σφι οὐκ ἐμέσαι ἔξεστι οὐκὶ οὐρῆσαι ἀντίον ἄλλου ταῦτα μέν νυν οὕτω φυλάσσεται μεθυσκόμενοι δὲ ἐώθασι βουλεύεσθαι τὰ σπουδαιέστατα τῶν πρηγμάτων [ ] τὸ δ᾽ ἂν ἅδῃ σφι βουλευομένοισι τοῦτο τῇ ὑστεραίῃ νήφουσι προτιθεῖ στέγαρχος ἐν τοῦ ἂν ἐόντες βουλεύωνται καὶ ἢν μὲν ἅδῃ καὶ νήφουσι χρέωνται αὐτῷ ἢν δὲμὴ ἅδῃ μετιεῖσι τὰ δ᾽ ἂν νήφοντες προβουλεύσωνται μεθυσκόμενοι ἐπιδιαγινώσκουσι

ἐντυγχάνοντες δ᾽ ἀλλήλοισι ἐν τῇσι ὁδοῖσι τῷδε ἄν τις διαγνοίη εἰ ὅμοιοί εἰσὶ οἱ συντυγχάνοντες ἀντὶ γὰρ τοῦ προσαγορεύειν ἀλλήλους φιλέουσι τοῖσι στόμασι ἢν δὲ οὕτερος ὑποδεέστερος ὀλίγῳ τὰς παρειὰς φιλέονται ἢν δὲ πολλῷ οὕτερος ἀγεννέστερος προσπίπτων προσκυνέει τὸν ἕτερον [ ] τιμῶσι δὲ ἐκ πάντων τοὺς ἄγχιστα ἑωυτῶν οἰκέοντας μετά γε ἑωυτούς δευτέρα δὲ τοὺς δευτέρους μετὰ δὲ κατὰ λόγον προβαίνοντες τιμῶσι ἥκιστα δὲ τοὺς ἑωυτῶν ἑκαστάτω οἰκημένους ἐν τιμῇ ἄγονται νομίζοντες ἑωυτοὺς εἶναι ἀνθρώπων μακρῷ τὰ πάντα ἀρίστους τοὺς δὲ ἄλλους κατὰ λόγον τῆς ἀρετῆς ἀντέχεσθαι τοὺς δὲ ἑκαστάτω οἰκέοντας ἀπὸ ἑωυτῶν κακίστους εἶναι [ ] ἐπὶ δὲ Μήδων ἀρχὸν τῶν καὶ ἦρχε τὰ ἔθνεα ἀλλήλων συναπάντων μὲν Μῆδοι καὶ τῶν ἄγχιστα οἰκεόντων σφίσι οὗτοι δὲ καὶ τῶν ὁμούρων οἳ δὲ μάλα τῶν ἐχομένων κατὰ τὸν αὐτὸν δὴ λόγον καὶ οἱ Πέρσαι τιμῶσι προέβαινε γὰρ δὴ τὸ ἔθνος ἄρχον τε καὶ ἐπιτροπεῦον

ξεινικὰ δὲ νόμαια Πέρσαι προσίενται ἀνδρῶν μάλιστα καὶ γὰρ δὴ τὴν Μηδικὴν ἐσθῆτα νομίσαντες τῆς ἑωυτῶν εἶναι καλλίω φορέουσι καὶ ἐς τοὺς πολέμους τοὺς Αἰγυπτίους θώρηκας καὶ εὐπαθείας τε παντοδαπὰς πυνθανόμενοι ἐπιτηδεύουσι καὶ δὴ καὶ ἀπ᾽ Ἑλλήνων μαθόντες παισὶ μίσγονται γαμέουσι δὲ ἕκαστος αὐτῶν πολλὰς μὲν κουριδίας γυναῖκας πολλῷ δ᾽ ἔτι πλεῦνας παλλακὰς κτῶνται

ἀνδραγαθίη δὲ αὕτη ἀποδέδεκται μετὰ τὸ μάχεσθαι εἶναι ἀγαθόν ὃς ἂν πολλοὺς ἀποδέξῃ παῖδας τῷ δὲ τοὺς πλείστους ἀποδεικνύντι δῶρα ἐκπέμπει βασιλεὺς ἀνὰ πᾶν ἔτος τὸ πολλὸν δ᾽ ἡγέαται ἰσχυρὸν εἶναι [ ] παιδεύουσι δὲ τοὺς παῖδας ἀπὸ πενταέτεος ἀρξάμενοι μέχρι εἰκοσαέτεος τρία μοῦνα ἰχνεύειν καὶ τοξεύειν καὶ ἀληθίζεσθαι πρὶν δὲ πενταέτης γένηται οὐκ ἀπικνέεται ἐς ὄψιν τῷ πατρί ἀλλὰ παρὰ τῇσι γυναιξὶ δίαιταν ἔχει τοῦδε δὲ εἵνεκα τοῦτο οὕτω ποιέεται ἵνα ἢν ἀποθάνῃ τρεφόμενος μηδεμίαν ἄσην τῷ πατρὶ προσβάλῃ

αἰνέω μέν νυν τόνδε τὸν νόμον αἰνέω δὲ καὶ τόνδε τὸ μὴ μιῆς αἰτίης εἵνεκα μήτε αὐτὸν τὸν βασιλέα μηδένα φονεύειν μήτε τῶν ἄλλων Περσέων μηδένα τῶν ἑωυτοῦ οἰκετέων ἐπὶ μιῇ αἰτίῃ ἀνήκεστον πάθος ἔρδειν ἀλλὰ λογισάμενος ἢν εὑρίσκῃ πλέω τε καὶ μέζω τὰ ἀδικήματα ἐόντα τῶν ὑπουργημάτων οὕτω τῷ θυμῷ χρᾶται [ ] ἀποκτεῖναι δὲ οὐδένα κω λέγουσι τὸν ἑωυτοῦ πατέρα οὐδὲ μητέρα ἀλλὰ ὁκόσα ἤδη τοιαῦτα ἐγένετο πᾶσαν ἀνάγκην φασὶ ἀναζητεόμενα ταῦτα ἀνευρεθῆναι ἤτοι ὑποβολιμαῖα ἐόντα μοιχίδια οὐ γὰρ δή φασι οἰκὸς εἶναι τόν γε ἀληθέως τοκέα ὑπὸ τοῦ ἑωυτοῦ παιδὸς ἀποθνήσκειν

ἅσσα δέ σφι ποιέειν οὐκ ἔξεστι ταῦτα οὐδὲ λέγειν ἔξεστι αἴσχιστον δὲ αὐτοῖσι τὸ ψεύδεσθαι νενόμισται δεύτερα δὲ τὸ ὀφείλειν χρέος πολλῶν μὲν καὶ ἄλλων εἵνεκα μάλιστα δὲ ἀναγκαίην φασὶ εἶναι τὸν ὀφείλοντα καί τι ψεῦδος λέγειν ὃς ἂν δὲ τῶν ἀστῶν λέπρην λεύκην ἔχῃ ἐς πόλιν οὗτος οὐ κατέρχεται οὐδὲ συμμίσγεται τοῖσι ἄλλοισι Πέρσῃσι φασὶ δέ μιν ἐς τὸν ἥλιον ἁμαρτόντα τι ταῦτα ἔχειν [ ] ξεῖνον δὲ πάντα τὸν λαμβανόμενον ὑπὸ τουτέων πολλοὶ ἐξελαύνουσι ἐκ τῆς χώρης καὶ τὰς λευκὰς περιστεράς τὴν αὐτὴν αἰτίην ἐπιφέροντες ἐς ποταμὸν δὲ οὔτε ἐνουρέουσι οὔτε ἐμπτύουσι οὐ χεῖρας ἐναπονίζονται οὐδὲ ἄλλον οὐδένα περιορῶσι ἀλλὰ σέβονται ποταμοὺς μάλιστα

καὶ τόδε ἄλλο σφι ὧδε συμπέπτωκε γίνεσθαι τὸ Πέρσας μὲν αὐτοὺς λέληθε ἡμέας μέντοι οὔ τὰ οὐνόματά σφι ἐόντα ὅμοια τοῖσι σώμασι καὶ τῇ μεγαλοπρεπείῃ τελευτῶσι πάντα ἐς τὠυτὸ γράμμα τὸ Δωριέες μὲν σὰν καλέουσι Ἴωνες δὲ σίγμα ἐς τοῦτο διζήμενος εὑρήσεις τελευτῶντα τῶν Περσέων τὰ οὐνόματα οὐ τὰ μὲν τὰ δ᾽ οὔ ἀλλὰ πάντα ὁμοίως

ταῦτα μὲν ἀτρεκέως ἔχω περὶ αὐτῶν εἰδὼς εἰπεῖν τάδε μέντοι ὡς κρυπτόμενα λέγεται καὶ οὐ σαφηνέως περὶ τοῦ ἀποθανόντος ὡς οὐ πρότερον θάπτεται ἀνδρὸς Πέρσεω νέκυς πρὶν ἂν ὑπ᾽ ὄρνιθος κυνὸς ἑλκυσθῇ [ ] Μάγους μὲν γὰρ ἀτρεκέως οἶδα ταῦτα ποιέοντας ἐμφανέως γὰρ δὴ ποιεῦσι κατακηρώσαντες δὲ ὦν τὸν νέκυν Πέρσαι γῆ κρύπτουσι Μάγοι δὲ κεχωρίδαται πολλὸν τῶν τε ἄλλων ἀνθρώπων καὶ τῶν ἐν Αἰγύπτῳ ἱρέων [ ] οἳ μὲν γὰρ ἁγνεύουσι ἔμψυχον μηδὲν κτείνειν εἰ μὴ ὅσα θύουσι οἱ δὲ δὴ Μάγοι αὐτοχειρίῃ πάντα πλὴν κυνὸς καὶ ἀνθρώπου κτείνουσι καὶ ἀγώνισμα μέγα τοῦτο ποιεῦνται κτείνοντες ὁμοίως μύρμηκάς τε καὶ ὄφις καὶ τἆλλα ἑρπετὰ καὶ πετεινά καὶ ἀμφὶ μὲν τῷ νόμῳ τούτῳ ἐχέτω ὡς καὶ ἀρχὴν ἐνομίσθη ἄνειμι δὲ ἐπὶ τὸν πρότερον λόγον

Ἴωνες δὲ καὶ Αἰολέες ὡς οἱ Λυδοὶ τάχιστα κατεστράφατο ὑπὸ Περσέων ἔπεμπον ἀγγέλους ἐς Σάρδις παρὰ Κῦρον ἐθέλοντες ἐπὶ τοῖσι αὐτοῖσι εἶναι τοῖσι καὶ Κροίσῳ ἦσαν κατήκοοι δὲ ἀκούσας αὐτῶν τὰ προΐσχοντο ἔλεξέ σφι λόγον ἄνδρα φὰς αὐλητὴν ἰδόντα ἰχθῦς ἐν τῇ θαλάσσῃ αὐλέειν δοκέοντα σφέας ἐξελεύσεσθαι ἐς γῆν [ ] ὡς δὲ ψευσθῆναι τῆς ἐλπίδος λαβεῖν ἀμφίβληστρον καὶ περιβαλεῖν τε πλῆθος πολλὸν τῶν ἰχθύων καὶ ἐξειρύσαι ἰδόντα δὲ παλλομένους εἰπεῖν ἄρα αὐτὸν πρὸς τοὺς ἰχθῦς παύεσθέ μοι ὀρχεόμενοι ἐπεῖ οὐδ᾽ ἐμέο αὐλέοντος ἠθέλετε ἐκβαίνειν ὀρχεόμενοι [ ] Κῦρος μὲν τοῦτον τὸν λόγον τοῖσι Ἴωσι καὶ τοῖσι Αἰολεῦσι τῶνδε εἵνεκα ἔλεξε ὅτι δὴ οἱ Ἴωνες πρότερον αὐτοῦ Κύρου δεηθέντος δι᾽ ἀγγέλων ἀπίστασθαι σφέας ἀπὸ Κροίσου οὐκ ἐπείθοντο τότε δὲ κατεργασμένων τῶν πρηγμάτων ἦσαν ἕτοιμοι πείθεσθαι Κύρῳ [ ] μὲν δὴ ὀργῇ ἐχόμενος ἔλεγέ σφι τάδε Ἴωνες δὲ ὡς ἤκουσαν τούτων ἀνενειχθέντων ἐς τὰς πόλιας τείχεά τε περιεβάλοντο ἕκαστοι καὶ συνελέγοντο ἐς Πανιώνιον οἱ ἄλλοι πλὴν Μιλησίων πρὸς μούνους γὰρ τούτους ὅρκιον Κῦρος ἐποιήσατο ἐπ᾽ οἷσί περ Λυδός τοῖσι δὲ λοιποῖσι Ἴωσι ἔδοξε κοινῷ λόγῳ πέμπειν ἀγγέλους ἐς Σπάρτην δεησομένους Ἴωσι τιμωρέειν

οἱ δὲ Ἴωνες οὗτοι τῶν καὶ τὸ Πανιώνιον ἐστί τοῦ μὲν οὐρανοῦ καὶ τῶν ὡρέων ἐν τῷ καλλίστῳ ἐτύγχανον ἱδρυσάμενοι πόλιας πάντων ἀνθρώπων τῶν ἡμεῖς ἴδμεν [ ] οὔτε γὰρ τὰ ἄνω αὐτῆς χωρία τὠυτὸ ποιέει τῇ Ἰωνίῃ οὔτε τὰ κάτω οὔτε τὰ πρὸς τὴν ἠῶ οὔτε τὰ πρὸς τὴν ἑσπέρην τὰ μὲν ὑπὸ τοῦ ψυχροῦ τε καὶ ὑγροῦ πιεζόμενα τὰ δὲ ὑπὸ τοῦ θερμοῦ τε καὶ αὐχμώδεος [ ] γλῶσσαν δὲ οὐ τὴν αὐτὴν οὗτοι νενομίκασι ἀλλὰ τρόπους τέσσερας παραγωγέων Μίλητος μὲν αὐτέων πρώτη κέεται πόλις πρὸς μεσαμβρίην μετὰ δὲ Μυοῦς τε καὶ Πριήνη [ ] αὗται μὲν ἐν τῇ Καρίῃ κατοίκηνται κατὰ ταὐτὰ διαλεγόμεναι σφίσι αἵδε δὲ ἐν τῇ Λυδίῃ Ἔφεσος Κολοφὼν Λέβεδος Τέως Κλαζομεναὶ Φώκαια αὗται δὲ αἱ πόλιες τῇσι πρότερον λεχθείσῃσι ὁμολογέουσι κατὰ γλῶσσαν οὐδέν σφισι δὲ ὁμοφωνέουσι ἔτι δὲ τρεῖς ὑπόλοιποι Ἰάδες πόλιες τῶν αἱ δύο μὲν νήσους οἰκέαται Σάμον τε καὶ Χίον δὲ μία ἐν τῇ ἠπείρῳ ἵδρυται Ἐρυθραί Χῖοι μέν νυν καὶ Ἐρυθραῖοι κατὰ τὠυτὸ διαλέγονται Σάμιοι δὲ ἐπ᾽ ἑωυτῶν μοῦνοι οὗτοι χαρακτῆρες γλώσσης τέσσερες γίνονται

τούτων δὴ ὦν τῶν Ἰώνων οἱ Μιλήσιοι μὲν ἦσαν ἐν σκέπῃ τοῦ φόβου ὅρκιον ποιησάμενοι τοῖσι δὲ αὐτῶν νησιώτῃσι ἦν δεινὸν οὐδέν οὔτε γὰρ Φοίνικες ἦσαν κω Περσέων κατήκοοι οὔτε αὐτοὶ οἱ Πέρσαι ναυβάται [ ] ἀπεσχίσθησαν δὲ ἀπὸ τῶν ἄλλων Ἰώνων οὗτοι κατ᾽ ἄλλο μὲν οὐδέν ἀσθενέος δὲ ἐόντος τοῦ παντὸς τότε Ἑλληνικοῦ γένεος πολλῷ δὴ ἦν ἀσθενέστατον τῶν ἐθνέων τὸ Ἰωνικὸν καὶ λόγου ἐλαχίστου ὅτι γὰρ μὴ Ἀθῆναι ἦν οὐδὲν ἄλλο πόλισμα λόγιμον [ ] οἱ μέν νυν ἄλλοι Ἴωνες καὶ οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι ἔφυγον τὸ οὔνομα οὐ βουλόμενοι Ἴωνες κεκλῆσθαι ἀλλὰ καὶ νῦν φαίνονταί μοι οἱ πολλοὶ αὐτῶν ἐπαισχύνεσθαι τῷ οὐνόματι αἱ δὲ δυώδεκα πόλιες αὗται τῷ τε οὐνόματι ἠγάλλοντο καὶ ἱρὸν ἱδρύσαντο ἐπὶ σφέων αὐτέων τῷ οὔνομα ἔθεντο Πανιώνιον ἐβουλεύσαντο δὲ αὐτοῦ μεταδοῦναι μηδαμοῖσι ἄλλοισι Ἰώνων οὐδ᾽ ἐδεήθησαν δὲ οὐδαμοὶ μετασχεῖν ὅτι μὴ Σμυρναῖοι

κατά περ οἱ ἐκ τῆς πενταπόλιος νῦν χώρης Δωριέες πρότερον δὲ ἑξαπόλιος τῆς αὐτῆς ταύτης καλεομένης φυλάσσονται ὦν μηδαμοὺς ἐσδέξασθαι τῶν προσοίκων Δωριέων ἐς τὸ Τριοπικὸν ἱρόν ἀλλὰ καὶ σφέων αὐτῶν τοὺς περὶ τὸ ἱρόν ἀνομήσαντας ἐξεκλήισαν τῆς μετοχῆς [ ] ἐν γὰρ τῷ ἀγῶνι τοῦ Τριοπίου Ἀπόλλωνος ἐτίθεσαν τὸ πάλαι τρίποδας χαλκέους τοῖσι νικῶσι καὶ τούτους χρῆν τοὺς λαμβάνοντας ἐκ τοῦ ἱροῦ μὴ ἐκφέρειν ἀλλ᾽ αὐτοῦ ἀνατιθέναι τῷ θεῷ [ ] ἀνὴρ ὦν Ἁλικαρνησσεύς τῷ οὔνομα ἦν Ἀγασικλέης νικήσας τὸν νόμον κατηλόγησε φέρων δὲ πρὸς τὰ ἑωυτοῦ οἰκία προσεπασσάλευσε τὸν τρίποδα διὰ ταύτην τὴν αἰτίην αἱ πέντε πόλιες Λίνδος καὶ Ἰήλυσός τε καὶ Κάμειρος καὶ Κῶς τε καὶ Κνίδος ἐξεκλήισαν τῆς μετοχῆς τὴν ἕκτην πόλιν Ἁλικαρνησσόν τούτοισι μέν νυν οὗτοι ταύτην τὴν ζημίην ἐπέθηκαν

δυώδεκα δὲ μοι δοκέουσι πόλιας ποιήσασθαι οἱ Ἴωνες καὶ οὐκ ἐθελῆσαι πλεῦνας ἐσδέξασθαι τοῦδε εἵνεκα ὅτι καὶ ὅτε ἐν Πελοποννήσῳ οἴκεον δυώδεκα ἦν αὐτῶν μέρεα κατά περ νῦν Ἀχαιῶν τῶν ἐξελασάντων Ἴωνας δυώδεκα ἐστὶ μέρεα Πελλήνη μέν γε πρώτη πρὸς Σικυῶνος μετὰ δὲ Αἴγειρα καὶ Αἰγαί ἐν τῇ Κρᾶθις ποταμὸς ἀείναος ἐστί ἀπ᾽ ὅτευ ἐν Ἰταλίῃ ποταμὸς τὸ οὔνομα ἔσχε καὶ Βοῦρα καὶ Ἑλίκη ἐς τὴν κατέφυγον Ἴωνες ὑπὸ Ἀχαιῶν μάχῃ ἑσσωθέντες καὶ Αἴγίον καὶ Ῥύπες καὶ Πατρέες καὶ Φαρέες καὶ Ὤλενος ἐν τῷ Πεῖρος ποταμὸς μέγας ἐστί καὶ Δύμη καὶ Τριταιέες οἳ μοῦνοι τούτων μεσόγαιοι οἰκέουσι ταῦτα δυώδεκα μέρεα νῦν Ἀχαιῶν ἐστὶ καὶ τότε γε Ἰώνων ἦν

τούτων δὴ εἵνεκα καὶ οἱ Ἴωνες δυώδεκα πόλιας ἐποιήσαντο ἐπεὶ ὥς γέ τι μᾶλλον οὗτοι Ἴωνες εἰσὶ τῶν ἄλλων Ἰώνων κάλλιόν τι γεγόνασι μωρίη πολλὴ λέγειν τῶν Ἄβαντες μὲν ἐξ Εὐβοίες εἰσὶ οὐκ ἐλαχίστη μοῖρα τοῖσι Ἰωνίης μέτα οὐδὲ τοῦ οὐνόματος οὐδέν Μινύαι δὲ Ὀρχομένιοί σφι ἀναμεμίχαται καὶ Καδμεῖοι καὶ Δρύοπες καὶ Φωκέες ἀποδάσμιοι καὶ Μολοσσοὶ καὶ Ἀρκάδες Πελασγοὶ καὶ Δωριέες Ἐπιδαύριοι ἄλλα τε ἔθνεα πολλὰ ἀναμεμίχαται [ ] οἱ δὲ αὐτῶν ἀπὸ τοῦ πρυτανηίου τοῦ Ἀθηναίων ὁρμηθέντες καὶ νομίζοντες γενναιότατοι εἶναι Ἰώνων οὗτοι δὲ οὐ γυναῖκας ἠγάγοντο ἐς τὴν ἀποικίην ἀλλὰ Καείρας ἔσχον τῶν ἐφόνευσαν τοὺς γονέας [ ] διὰ τοῦτὸν δὲ τὸν φόνον αἱ γυναῖκες αὗται νόμον θέμεναι σφίσι αὐτῇσι ὅρκους ἐπήλασαν καὶ παρέδοσαν τῇσι θυγατράσι μή κοτε ὁμοσιτῆσαι τοῖσι ἀνδράσι μηδὲ οὐνόματι βῶσαι τὸν ἑωυτῆς ἄνδρα τοῦδε εἵνεκα ὅτι ἐφόνευσαν σφέων τοὺς πατέρας καὶ ἄνδρας καὶ παῖδας καὶ ἔπειτα ταῦτα ποιήσαντες αὐτῇσι συνοίκεον

ταῦτα δὲ ἦν γινόμενα ἐν Μιλήτῳ βασιλέας δὲ ἐστήσαντο οἳ μὲν αὐτῶν Λυκίους ἀπὸ Γλαύκου τοῦ Ἱππολόχου γεγονότας οἳ δὲ Καύκωνας Πυλίους ἀπὸ Κόδρου τοῦ Μελάνθου οἳ δὲ καὶ συναμφοτέρους ἀλλὰ γὰρ περιέχονται τοῦ οὐνόματος μᾶλλόν τι τῶν ἄλλων Ἰώνων ἔστωσαν δὴ καὶ οἱ καθαρῶς γεγονότες Ἴωνες [ ] εἰσὶ δὲ πάντες Ἴωνες ὅσοι ἀπ᾽ Ἀθηνέων γεγόνασι καὶ Ἀπατούρια ἄγουσι ὁρτήν ἄγουσι δὲ πάντες πλὴν Ἐφεσίων καὶ Κολοφωνίων οὗτοι γὰρ μοῦνοι Ἰώνων οὐκ ἄγουσι Ἀπατούρια καὶ οὗτοι κατὰ φόνου τινὰ σκῆψιν

τὸ δὲ Πανιώνιον ἐστὶ τῆς Μυκάλης χῶρος ἱρὸς πρὸς ἄρκτον τετραμμένος κοινῇ ἐξαραιρημένος ὑπὸ Ἰώνων Ποσειδέωνι Ἑλικωνίῳ δὲ Μυκάλη ἐστὶ τῆς ἠπείρου ἄκρη πρὸς ζέφυρον ἄνεμον κατήκουσα Σάμῳ καταντίον ἐς τὴν συλλεγόμενοι ἀπὸ τῶν πολίων Ἴωνες ἄγεσκον ὁρτὴν τῇ ἔθεντο οὔνομα Πανιώνια [ ] πεπόνθασι δὲ οὔτι μοῦναι αἱ Ἰώνων ὁρταὶ τοῦτο ἀλλὰ καὶ Ἑλλήνων πάντων ὁμοίως πᾶσαι ἐς τὠυτὸ γράμμα τελευτῶσι κατά περ τῶν Περσέων τὰ οὐνόματα

αὗται μὲν αἱ Ἰάδες πόλιες εἰσί αἵδε δὲ αἱ Αἰολίδες Κύμη Φρικωνὶς καλεομένη Λήρισαι Νέον τεῖχος Τῆμνος Κίλλα Νότιον Αἰγιρόεσσα Πιτάνη Αἰγαῖαι Μύρινα Γρύνεια αὗται ἕνδεκα Αἰολέων πόλιες αἱ ἀρχαῖαι μία γὰρ σφέων παρελύθη Σμύρνη ὑπὸ Ἰώνων ἦσαν γὰρ καὶ αὗται δυώδεκα αἱ ἐν τῆ ἠπείρῳ [ ] οὗτοι δὲ οἱ Αἰολέες χώρην μὲν ἔτυχον κτίσαντες ἀμείνω Ἰώνων ὡρέων δὲ ἥκουσαν οὐκ ὁμοίως

σμύρνην δὲ ὧδε ἀπέβαλον Αἰολέες Κολοφωνίους ἄνδρας στάσι ἑσσωθέντας καὶ ἐκπεσόντας ἐκ τῆς πατρίδος ὑπεδέξαντο μετὰ δὲ οἱ φυγάδες τῶν Κολοφωνίων φυλάξαντες τοὺς Σμυρναίους ὁρτὴν ἔξω τείχεος ποιευμένους Διονύσῳ τὰς πύλας ἀποκληίσαντες ἔσχον τὴν πόλιν [ ] βοηθησάντων δὲ πάντων Αἰολέων ὁμολογίῃ ἐχρήσαντο τὰ ἔπιπλα ἀποδόντων τῶν Ἰώνων ἐκλιπεῖν Σμύρνην Αἰολέας ποιησάντων δὲ ταῦτα Σμυρναίων ἐπιδιείλοντο σφέας αἱ ἕνδεκα πόλιες καὶ ἐποιήσαντο σφέων αὐτέων πολιήτας

αὗται μέν νυν αἱ ἠπειρώτιδες Αἰολίδες πόλιες ἔξω τῶν ἐν τῇ Ἴδῃ οἰκημενέων κεχωρίδαται γὰρ αὗται [ ] αἱ δὲ τὰς νήσους ἔχουσαι πέντε μὲν πόλιες τὴν Λέσβον νέμονται τὴν γὰρ ἕκτην ἐν τῇ Λέσβῳ οἰκημένην Ἀρίσβαν ἠνδραπόδισαν Μηθυμναῖοι ἐόντας ὁμαίμους ἐν Τενέδῳ δὲ μία οἴκηται πόλις καὶ ἐν τῇσι Ἑκατὸν νήσοισι καλεομένῃσι ἄλλη μία [ ] Λεσβίοισι μέν νῦν καὶ Τενεδίοισι κατά περ Ἰώνων τοῖσι τὰς νήσους ἔχουσι ἦν δεινὸν οὐδέν τῇσι δὲ λοιπῇσι πόλισι ἕαδε κοινῇ Ἴωσι ἕπεσθαι τῇ ἂν οὗτοι ἐξηγέωνται

ὡς δὲ ἀπίκοντο ἐς τὴν Σπάρτην τῶν Ἰώνων καὶ Αἰολέων οἱ ἄγγελοι κατὰ γὰρ δὴ τάχος ἦν ταῦτα πρησσόμενα εἵλοντο πρὸ πάντων λέγειν τὸν Φωκαέα τῷ οὔνομα ἦν Πύθερμος δὲ πορφύρεόν τε εἷμα περιβαλόμενος ὡς ἂν πυνθανόμενοι πλεῖστοι συνέλθοιεν Σπαρτιητέων καὶ καταστὰς ἔλεγε πολλὰ τιμωρέειν ἑωυτοῖσι χρηίζων [ ] Λακεδαιμόνιοι δὲ οὔ κως ἐσήκουον ἀλλ᾽ ἀπέδοξέ σφι μὴ τιμωρέειν Ἴωσι οἳ μὲν δὴ ἀπαλλάσσοντο Λακεδαιμόνιοι δὲ ἀπωσάμενοι τῶν Ἰώνων τοὺς ἀγγέλους ὅμως ἀπέστειλαν πεντηκοντέρῳ ἄνδρας ὡς μὲν ἐμοὶ δοκέει κατασκόπους τῶν τε Κύρου πρηγμάτων καὶ Ἰωνίης [ ] ἀπικόμενοι δὲ οὗτοι ἐς Φώκαιαν ἔπεμπον ἐς Σάρδις σφέων αὐτῶν τὸν δοκιμώτατον τῷ οὔνομα ἦν Λακρίνης ἀπερέοντα Κύρῳ Λακεδαιμονίων ῥῆσιν γῆς τῆς Ἑλλάδος μηδεμίαν πόλιν σιναμωρέειν ὡς αὐτῶν οὐ περιοψομένων

ταῦτα εἰπόντος τοῦ κήρυκος λέγεται Κῦρον ἐπειρέσθαι τοὺς παρεόντας οἱ Ἑλλήνων τινες ἐόντες ἄνθρωποι Λακεδαιμόνιοι καὶ κόσοι πλῆθος ταῦτα ἑωυτῷ προαγορεύουσι πυνθανόμενον δέ μιν εἰπεῖν ἄνθρωποι Λακεδαιμόνιοι καὶ κόσοι οὐκ ἔδεισά κω ἄνδρας τοιούτους τοῖσι ἐστι χῶρος ἐν μέση τῇ πόλι ἀποδεδεγμένος ἐς τὸν συλλεγόμενοι ἀλλήλους ὀμνύντες ἐξαπατῶσι τοῖσι ἢν ἐγὼ ὑγιαίνω οὐ τὰ Ἰώνων πάθεα ἔσται ἔλλεσχα ἀλλὰ τὰ οἰκήια [ ] ταῦτα ἐς τοὺς πάντας Ἕλληνας ἀπέρριψε Κῦρος τὰ ἔπεα ὅτι ἀγορὰς στησάμενοι ὠνῇ τε καὶ πρήσι χρέωνται αὐτοὶ γὰρ οἱ Πέρσαι ἀγορῇσι οὐδὲν ἐώθασι χρᾶσθαι οὐδέ σφι ἐστὶ τὸ παράπαν ἀγορή [ ] μετὰ ταῦτα ἐπιτρέψας τὰς μὲν Σάρδις Ταβάλῳ ἀνδρὶ Πέρσῃ τὸν δὲ χρυσὸν τόν τε Κροίσου καὶ τὸν τῶν ἄλλων Λυδῶν Πακτύῃ ἀνδρὶ Λυδῷ κομίζειν ἀπήλαυνε αὐτὸς ἐς Ἀγβάτανα Κροῖσόν τε ἅμα ἀγόμενος καὶ τοὺς Ἴωνας ἐν οὐδενὶ λόγῳ ποιησάμενος τὴν πρώτην εἶναι [ ] τε γὰρ Βαβυλών οἱ ἦν ἐμπόδιος καὶ τὸ Βάκτριον ἔθνος καὶ Σάκαι τε καὶ Αἰγύπτιοι ἐπ᾽ οὓς ἐπεῖχέ τε στρατηλατέειν αὐτός ἐπὶ δὲ Ἴωνας ἄλλον πέμπειν στρατηγόν

ὡς δὲ ἀπήλασε Κῦρος ἐκ τῶν Σαρδίων τοὺς Λυδοὺς ἀπέστησε Πακτύης ἀπό τε Ταβάλου καὶ Κύρου καταβὰς δὲ ἐπὶ θάλασσαν ἅτε τὸν χρυσὸν ἔχων πάντα τὸν ἐκ τῶν Σαρδίων ἐπικούρους τε ἐμισθοῦτο καὶ τοὺς ἐπιθαλασσίους ἀνθρώπους ἔπειθε σὺν ἑωυτῷ στρατεύεσθαι ἐλάσας δὲ ἐπὶ τὰς Σάρδις ἐπολιόρκεε Τάβαλον ἀπεργμένον ἐν τῇ ἀκροπόλι

πυθόμενος δὲ κατ᾽ ὁδὸν ταῦτα Κῦρος εἶπε πρὸς Κροῖσον τάδε Κροῖσε τί ἔσται τέλος τῶν γινομένων τούτων ἐμοί οὐ παύσονται Λυδοί ὡς οἴκασι πρήγμάτα παρέχοντες καὶ αὐτοὶ ἔχοντες φροντίζω μὴ ἄριστον ἐξανδραποδίσασθαι σφέας ὁμοίως γὰρ μοι νῦν γε φαίνομαι πεποιηκέναι ὡς εἴ τις πατέρα ἀποκτείνας τῶν παίδων αὐτοῦ φείσατο [ ] ὡς δὲ καὶ ἐγὼ Λυδῶν τὸν μὲν πλέον τι πατέρα ἐόντα σὲ λαβὼν ἄγω αὐτοῖσι δὲ Λυδοῖσι τὴν πόλιν παρέδωκα καὶ ἔπειτα θωμάζω εἰ μοι ἀπεστᾶσι μὲν δὴ τά περ ἐνόεε ἔλεγε δ᾽ ἀμείβετο τοῖσιδε δείσας μὴ ἀναστάτους ποιήσῃ τὰς Σάρδις [ ] βασιλεῦ τὰ μὲν οἰκότα εἴρηκας σὺ μέντοι μὴ πάντα θυμῷ χρέο μηδὲ πόλιν ἀρχαίην ἐξαναστήσῃς ἀναμάρτητον ἐοῦσαν καὶ τῶν πρότερον καὶ τῶν νῦν ἑστεώτων τὰ μὲν γὰρ πρότερον ἐγώ τε ἔπρηξα καὶ ἐγὼ κεφαλῇ ἀναμάξας φέρω τὰ δὲ νῦν παρεόντα Πακτύης γὰρ ἐστὶ ἀδικέων τῷ σὺ ἐπέτρεψας Σάρδις οὗτος δότω τοι δίκην [ ] Λυδοῖσι δὲ συγγνώμην ἔχων τάδε αὐτοῖσι ἐπίταξον ὡς μήτε ἀποστέωσι μήτε δεινοί τοι ἔωσι ἄπειπε μέν σφι πέμψας ὅπλα ἀρήια μὴ ἐκτῆσθαι κέλευε δὲ σφέας κιθῶνάς τε ὑποδύνειν τοῖσι εἵμασι καὶ κοθόρνους ὑποδέεσθαι πρόειπε δ᾽ αὐτοῖσι κιθαρίζειν τε καὶ ψάλλειν καὶ καπηλεύειν παιδεύειν τοὺς παῖδας καὶ ταχέως σφέας βασιλεῦ γυναῖκας ἀντ᾽ ἀνδρῶν ὄψεαι γεγονότας ὥστε οὐδὲν δεινοί τοι ἔσονται μὴ ἀποστέωσι

Κροῖσος μὲν δὴ ταῦτά οἱ ὑπετίθετο αἱρετώτερα ταῦτα εὑρίσκων Λυδοῖσι ἀνδραποδισθέντας πρηθῆναι σφέας ἐπιστάμενος ὅτι ἢν μὴ ἀξιόχρεον πρόφασιν προτείνῃ οὐκ ἀναπείσει μιν μεταβουλεύσασθαι ἀρρωδέων δὲ μὴ καὶ ὕστερον κοτὲ οἱ Λυδοί ἢν τὸ παρεὸν ὑπεκδράμωσι ἀποστάντες ἀπὸ τῶν Περσέων ἀπόλωνται [ ] Κῦρος δὲ ἡσθεὶς τῇ ὑποθήκῃ καὶ ὑπεὶς τῆς ὀργῆς ἔφη οἱ πείθεσθαι καλέσας δὲ Μαζάρεα ἄνδρα Μῆδον ταῦτά τέ οἱ ἐνετείλατο προειπεῖν Λυδοῖσι τὰ Κροῖσος ὑπετίθετο καὶ πρὸς ἐξανδραποδίσασθαι τοὺς ἄλλους πάντας οἳ μετὰ Λυδῶν ἐπὶ Σάρδις ἐστρατεύσαντο αὐτὸν δὲ Πακτύην πάντως ζῶντα ἀγαγεῖν παρ᾽ ἑωυτόν

μὲν δὴ ταῦτα ἐκ τῆς ὁδοῦ ἐντειλάμενος ἀπήλαυνε ἐς ἤθεα τὰ Περσέων Πακτύης δὲ πυθόμενος ἀγχοῦ εἶναι στρατὸν ἐπ᾽ ἑωυτὸν ἰόντα δείσας οἴχετο φεύγων ἐς Κύμην [ ] Μαζάρης δὲ Μῆδος ἐλάσας ἐπὶ τὰς Σάρδις τοῦ Κύρου στρατοῦ μοῖραν ὅσην δή κοτε ἔχων ὡς οὐκ εὗρε ἔτι ἐόντας τοὺς ἀμφὶ Πακτύην ἐν Σάρδισι πρῶτα μὲν τοὺς Λυδοὺς ἠνάγκασε τὰς Κύρου ἐντολὰς ἐπιτελέειν ἐκ τούτου δὲ κελευσμοσύνης Λυδοὶ τὴν πᾶσαν δίαιταν τῆς ζόης μετέβαλον [ ] Μαζάρης δὲ μετὰ τοῦτο ἔπεμπε ἐς τὴν Κύμην ἀγγέλους ἐκδιδόναι κελεύων Πακτύην οἱ δὲ Κυμαῖοι ἔγνωσαν συμβουλῆς περὶ ἐς θεὸν ἀνοῖσαι τὸν ἐν Βραγχίδῃσι ἦν γὰρ αὐτόθι μαντήιον ἐκ παλαιοῦ ἱδρυμένον τῷ Ἴωνές τε πάντες καὶ Αἰολέες ἐώθεσαν χρᾶσθαι δὲ χῶρος οὗτος ἐστὶ τῆς Μιλησίης ὑπὲρ Πανόρμου λιμένος

πέμψαντες ὦν οἱ Κυμαῖοι ἐς τοὺς Βραγχίδας θεοπρόπους εἰρώτευν περὶ Πακτύην ὁκοῖόν τι ποιέοντες θεοῖσι μέλλοιεν χαριεῖσθαι ἐπειρωτῶσι δέ σφι ταῦτα χρηστήριον ἐγένετο ἐκδιδόναι Πακτύην Πέρσῃσι ταῦτα δὲ ὡς ἀπενειχθέντα ἤκουσαν οἱ Κυμαῖοι ὁρμέατο ἐκδιδόναι [ ] ὁρμημένου δὲ ταύτῃ τοῦ πλήθεος Ἀριστόδικος Ἡρακλείδεω ἀνὴρ τῶν ἀστῶν ἐὼν δόκιμος ἔσχε μὴ ποιῆσαι ταῦτα Κυμαίους ἀπιστέων τε τῷ χρησμῷ καὶ δοκέων τοὺς θεοπρόπους οὐ λέγειν ἀληθέως ἐς τὸ δεύτερον περὶ Πακτύεω ἐπειρησόμενοι ἤισαν ἄλλοι θεοπρόποι τῶν καὶ Ἀριστόδικος ἦν

ἀπικομένων δὲ ἐς Βραγχίδας ἐχρηστηριάζετο ἐκ πάντων Ἀριστόδικος ἐπειρωτῶν τάδε ὦναξ ἦλθε παρ᾽ ἡμέας ἱκέτης Πακτύης Λυδός φεύγων θάνατον βίαιον πρὸς Περσέων οἳ δέ μιν ἐξαιτέονται προεῖναι Κυμαίους κελεύοντες [ ] ἡμεῖς δὲ δειμαίνοντες τὴν Περσέων δύναμιν τὸν ἱκέτην ἐς τόδε οὐ τετολμήκαμεν ἐκδιδόναι πρὶν ἂν τὸ ἀπὸ σεῦ ἡμῖν δηλωθῇ ἀτρεκέως ὁκότερα ποιέωμεν μὲν ταῦτα ἐπειρώτα δ᾽ αὖτις τὸν αὐτόν σφι χρησμὸν ἔφαινε κελεύων ἐκδιδόναι Πακτύην Πέρσῃσι [ ] πρὸς ταῦτα Ἀριστόδικος ἐκ προνοίης ἐποίεε τάδε περιιὼν τὸν νηὸν κύκλῳ ἐξαίρεε τοὺς στρουθοὺς καὶ ἄλλα ὅσα ἦν νενοσσευμένα ὀρνίθων γένεα ἐν τῷ νηῷ ποιέοντος δὲ αὐτοῦ ταῦτα λέγεται φωνὴν ἐκ τοῦ ἀδύτου γενέσθαι φέρουσαν μὲν πρὸς τὸν Ἀριστόδικον λέγουσαν δὲ τάδε ἀνοσιώτατε ἀνθρώπων τί τάδε τολμᾷς ποιέειν τοὺς ἱκέτας μου ἐκ τοῦ νηοῦ κεραΐζεις [ ] Ἀριστόδικον δὲ οὐκ ἀπορήσαντα πρὸς ταῦτα εἰπεῖν ὦναξ αὐτὸς μὲν οὕτω τοῖσι ἱκέτῃσι βοηθέεις Κυμαίους δὲ κελεύεις τὸν ἱκέτην ἐκδιδόναι τὸν δὲ αὖτις ἀμείψασθαι τοῖσιδε ναὶ κελεύω ἵνα γε ἀσεβήσαντες θᾶσσον ἀπόλησθε ὡς μὴ τὸ λοιπὸν περὶ ἱκετέων ἐκδόσιος ἔλθητε ἐπὶ τὸ χρηστήριον

ταῦτα ὡς ἀπενειχθέντα ἤκουσαν οἱ Κυμαῖοι οὐ βουλόμενοι οὔτε ἐκδόντες ἀπολέσθαι οὔτε παρ᾽ ἑωυτοῖσι ἔχοντες πολιορκέεσθαι ἐκπέμπουσι αὐτὸν ἐς Μυτιλήνην [ ] οἱ δὲ Μυτιληναῖοι ἐπιπέμποντος τοῦ Μαζάρεος ἀγγελίας ἐκδιδόναι τὸν Πακτύην παρεσκευάζοντο ἐπὶ μισθῷ ὅσῳ δή οὐ γὰρ ἔχω τοῦτό γε εἰπεῖν ἀτρεκέως οὐ γὰρ ἐτελεώθη [ ] Κυμαῖοι γὰρ ὡς ἔμαθον ταῦτα πρησσόμενα ἐκ τῶν Μυτιληναίων πέμψαντες πλοῖον ἐς Λέσβον ἐκκομίζουσι Πακτύην ἐς Χίον ἐνθεῦτεν δὲ ἐξ ἱροῦ Ἀθηναίης πολιούχου ἀποσπασθεὶς ὑπὸ Χίων ἐξεδόθη ἐξέδοσαν δὲ οἱ Χῖοι ἐπὶ τῷ Ἀταρνέι μισθῷ [ ] τοῦ δὲ Ἀταρνέος τούτου ἐστὶ χῶρος τῆς Μυσίης Λέσβου ἀντίος Πακτύην μέν νυν παραδεξάμενοι οἱ Πέρσαι εἶχον ἐν φυλακῇ θέλοντες Κύρῳ ἀποδέξαι [ ] ἦν δὲ χρόνος οὗτος οὐκ ὀλίγος γινόμενος ὅτε Χίων οὐδεὶς ἐκ τοῦ Ἀταρνέος τούτου οὔτε οὐλὰς κριθέων πρόχυσιν ἐποιέετο θεῶν οὐδενὶ οὔτε πέμματα ἐπέσσετο καρποῦ τοῦ ἐνθεῦτεν ἀπείχετο τε τῶν πάντων ἱρῶν τὰ πάντα ἐκ τῆς χώρης ταύτης γινόμενα

Χῖοι μέν νυν Πακτύην ἐξέδοσαν Μαζάρης δὲ μετὰ ταῦτα ἐστρατεύετο ἐπὶ τοὺς συμπολιορκήσαντας Τάβαλον καὶ τοῦτο μὲν Πριηνέας ἐξηνδραποδίσατο τοῦτο δὲ Μαιάνδρου πεδίον πᾶν ἐπέδραμε ληίην ποιεύμενος τῷ στρατῷ Μαγνησίην τε ὡσαύτως μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα αὐτίκα νούσῳ τελευτᾷ

ἀποθανόντος δὲ τούτου Ἅρπαγος κατέβη διάδοχος τῆς στρατηγίης γένος καὶ αὐτὸς ἐὼν Μῆδος τὸν Μήδων βασιλεὺς Ἀστυάγης ἀνόμῳ τραπέζῃ ἔδαισε τῷ Κύρῳ τὴν βασιληίην συγκατεργασάμενος [ ] οὗτος ὡνὴρ τότε ὑπὸ Κύρου στρατηγὸς ἀποδεχθεὶς ὡς ἀπίκετο ἐς τὴν Ἰωνίην αἵρεε τὰς πόλιας χώμασι ὅκως γὰρ τειχήρεας ποιήσειε τὸ ἐνθεῦτεν χώματα χῶν πρὸς τὰ τείχεα ἐπόρθεε

πρώτῃ δὲ Φωκαίῃ Ἰωνίης ἐπεχείρησε οἱ δὲ Φωκαιέες οὗτοι ναυτιλίῃσι μακρῇσι πρῶτοι Ἑλλήνων ἐχρήσαντο καὶ τὸν τε Ἀδρίην καὶ τὴν Τυρσηνίην καὶ τὴν Ἰβηρίην καὶ τὸν Ταρτησσὸν οὗτοι εἰσὶ οἱ καταδέξαντες [ ] ἐναυτίλλοντο δὲ οὐ στρογγύλῃσι νηυσὶ ἀλλὰ πεντηκοντέροισι ἀπικόμενοι δὲ ἐς τὸν Ταρτησσὸν προσφιλέες ἐγένοντο τῷ βασιλέι τῶν Ταρτησσίων τῷ οὔνομα μὲν ἦν Ἀργανθώνιος ἐτυράννευσε δὲ Ταρτησσοῦ ὀγδώκοντα ἔτεα ἐβίωσε δὲ πάντα εἴκοσι καὶ ἑκατόν [ ] τούτῳ δὴ τῷ ἀνδρὶ προσφιλέες οἱ Φωκαιέες οὕτω δή τι ἐγένοντο ὡς τὰ μὲν πρῶτα σφέας ἐκλιπόντας Ἰωνίην ἐκέλευε τῆς ἑωυτοῦ χώρης οἰκῆσαι ὅκου βούλονται μετὰ δέ ὡς τοῦτό γε οὐκ ἔπειθε τοὺς Φωκαιέας δὲ πυθόμενος τὸν Μῆδον παρ᾽ αὐτῶν ὡς αὔξοιτο ἐδίδου σφι χρήματα τεῖχος περιβαλέσθαι τὴν πόλιν [ ] ἐδίδου δὲ ἀφειδέως καὶ γὰρ καὶ περίοδος τοῦ τείχεος οὐκ ὀλίγοι στάδιοι εἰσί τοῦτο δὲ πᾶν λίθων μεγάλων καὶ εὖ συναρμοσμένων

τὸ μὲν δὴ τεῖχος τοῖσι Φωκαιεῦσι τρόπῳ τοιῶδε ἐξεποιήθη δὲ Ἅρπαγος ὡς ἐπήλασε τὴν στρατιήν ἐπολιόρκεε αὐτούς προισχόμενος ἔπεα ὥς οἱ καταχρᾷ εἰ βούλονται Φωκαιέες προμαχεῶνα ἕνα μοῦνον τοῦ τείχεος ἐρεῖψαι καὶ οἴκημα ἓν κατιρῶσαι [ ] οἱ δὲ Φωκαιέες περιημεκτέοντες τῇ δουλοσύνη ἔφασαν θέλειν βουλεύσασθαι ἡμέρην μίαν καὶ ἔπειτα ὑποκρινέεσθαι [ ] ἐν δὲ βουλεύονται αὐτοί ἀπαγαγεῖν ἐκεῖνον ἐκέλευον τὴν στρατιὴν ἀπὸ τοῦ τείχεος δ᾽ Ἅρπαγος ἔφη εἰδέναι μὲν εὖ τὰ ἐκεῖνοι μέλλοιεν ποιέειν ὅμως δὲ σφι παριέναι βουλεύσασθαι ἐν ὦν Ἅρπαγος ἀπὸ τοῦ τείχεος ἀπήγαγε τὴν στρατιήν οἱ Φωκαιέες ἐν τούτῳ κατασπάσαντες τὰς πεντηκοντέρους ἐσθέμενοι τέκνα καὶ γυναῖκας καὶ ἔπιπλα πάντα πρὸς δὲ καὶ τὰ ἀγάλματα τὰ ἐν τῶν ἱρῶν καὶ τὰ ἄλλα ἀναθήματα χωρὶς τι χαλκὸς λίθος γραφὴ ἦν τὰ δὲ ἄλλα πάντα ἐσθέντες καὶ αὐτοὶ εἰσβάντες ἔπλεον ἐπὶ Χίου τὴν δὲ Φωκαίην ἐρημωθεῖσαν ἀνδρῶν ἔσχον οἱ Πέρσαι

οἱ δὲ Φωκαιέες ἐπείτε σφι Χῖοι τὰς νήσους τὰς Οἰνούσσας καλεομένας οὐκ ἐβούλοντο ὠνευμένοισι πωλέειν δειμαίνοντες μὴ αἳ μὲν ἐμπόριον γένωνται δὲ αὐτῶν νῆσος ἀποκληισθῇ τούτου εἵνεκα πρὸς ταῦτα οἱ Φωκαίες ἐστέλλοντο ἐς Κύρνον ἐν γὰρ τῇ Κύρνῳ εἴκοσι ἔτεσι πρότερον τούτων ἐκ θεοπροπίου ἀνεστήσαντο πόλιν τῇ οὔνομα ἦν Ἀλαλίη [ ] Ἀργανθώνιος δὲ τηνικαῦτα ἤδη τετελευτήκεε στελλόμενοι δὲ ἐπὶ τὴν Κύρνον πρῶτα καταπλεύσαντες ἐς τὴν Φωκαίην κατεφόνευσαν τῶν Περσέων τὴν φυλακήν ἐφρούρεε παραδεξαμένη παρὰ Ἁρπάγου τὴν πόλιν μετὰ δέ ὡς τοῦτο σφι ἐξέργαστο ἐποιήσαντο ἰσχυρὰς κατάρας τῷ ὑπολειπομένῳ ἑωυτῶν τοῦ στόλου [ ] πρὸς δὲ ταύτῃσι καὶ μύδρον σιδήρεον κατεπόντωσαν καὶ ὤμοσαν μὴ πρὶν ἐς Φωκαίην ἥξειν πρὶν τὸν μύδρον τοῦτον ἀναφανῆναι στελλομένων δὲ αὐτῶν ἐπὶ τὴν Κύρνον ὑπερημίσεας τῶν ἀστῶν ἔλαβε πόθος τε καὶ οἶκτος τῆς πόλιος καὶ τῶν ἠθέων τῆς χώρης ψευδόρκιοι δὲ γενόμενοι ἀπέπλεον ὀπίσω ἐς τὴν Φωκαίην οἳ δὲ αὐτῶν τὸ ὅρκιον ἐφύλασσον ἀερθέντες ἐκ τῶν Οἰνουσσέων ἔπλεον

ἐπείτε δὲ ἐς τὴν Κύρνον ἀπίκοντο οἴκεον κοινῇ μετὰ τῶν πρότερον ἀπικομένων ἐπ᾽ ἔτεα πέντε καὶ ἱρὰ ἐνιδρύσαντο καὶ ἦγον γὰρ δὴ καὶ ἔφερον τοὺς περιοίκους ἅπαντας στρατεύονται ὦν ἐπ᾽ αὐτοὺς κοινῷ λόγω χρησάμενοι Τυρσηνοὶ καὶ Καρχηδόνιοι νηυσὶ ἑκάτεροι ἑξήκόντα [ ] οἱ δὲ Φωκαιέες πληρώσαντες καὶ αὐτοὶ τὰ πλοῖα ἐόντα ἀριθμὸν ἑξήκοντα ἀντίαζον ἐς τὸ Σαρδόνιον καλεόμενον πέλαγος συμμισγόντων δὲ τῇ ναυμαχίῃ Καδμείη τις νίκη τοῖσι Φωκαιεῦσι ἐγένετο αἱ μὲν γὰρ τεσσεράκοντά σφι νέες διεφθάρησαν αἱ δὲ εἴκοσι αἱ περιεοῦσαι ἦσαν ἄχρηστοι ἀπεστράφατο γὰρ τοὺς ἐμβόλους [ ] καταπλώσαντες δὲ ἐς τὴν Ἀλαλίην ἀνέλαβον τὰ τέκνα καὶ τὰς γυναῖκας καὶ τὴν ἄλλην κτῆσιν ὅσην οἷαι τε ἐγίνοντο αἱ νέες σφι ἄγειν καὶ ἔπειτα ἀπέντες τὴν Κύρνον ἔπλεον ἐς Ῥήγιον

τῶν δὲ διαφθαρεισέων νεῶν τοὺς ἄνδρας οἱ τε Καρχηδόνιοι καὶ οἱ Τυρσηνοὶ διέλαχον τῶν δὲ Τυρσηνῶν οἱ Ἀγυλλαῖοι ἔλαχόν τε αὐτῶν πολλῷ πλείστους καὶ τούτους ἐξαγαγόντες κατέλευσαν μετὰ δὲ Ἀγυλλαίοισι πάντα τὰ παριόντα τὸν χῶρον ἐν τῶ οἱ Φωκαιέες καταλευσθέντες ἐκέατο ἐγίνετο διάστροφα καὶ ἔμπηρα καὶ ἀπόπληκτα ὁμοίως πρόβατα καὶ ὑποζύγια καὶ ἄνθρωποι [ ] οἱ δὲ Ἀγυλλαῖοι ἐς Δελφοὺς ἔπεμπον βουλόμενοι ἀκέσασθαι τὴν ἁμαρτάδα δὲ Πυθίη σφέας ἐκέλευσε ποιέειν τὰ καὶ νῦν οἱ Ἀγυλλαῖοι ἔτι ἐπιτελέουσι καὶ γὰρ ἐναγίζουσί σφι μεγάλως καὶ ἀγῶνα γυμνικὸν καὶ ἱππικὸν ἐπιστᾶσι [ ] καὶ οὗτοι μὲν τῶν Φωκαιέων τοιούτῳ μόρῳ διεχρήσαντο οἱ δὲ αὐτῶν ἐς τὸ Ῥήγιον καταφυγόντες ἐνθεῦτεν ὁρμώμενοι ἐκτήσαντο πόλιν γῆς τῆς Οἰνωτπίης ταύτην ἥτις νῦν Ὑέλη καλέεται [ ] ἔκτισαν δὲ ταύτην πρὸς ἀνδρὸς Ποσειδωνιήτεω μαθόντες ὡς τὸν Κύρνον σφι Πυθίη ἔχρησε κτίσαι ἥρων ἐόντα ἀλλ᾽ οὐ τὴν νῆσον

Φωκαίης μέν νυν πέρι τῆς ἐν Ἰωνίῃ οὕτω ἔσχε παραπλήσια δὲ τούτοισι καὶ Τήιοι ἐποίησαν ἐπείτε γὰρ σφέων εἷλε χώματι τὸ τεῖχος Ἅρπαγος ἐσβάντες πάντες ἐς τὰ πλοῖα οἴχοντο πλέοντες ἐπὶ τῆς Θρηίκης καὶ ἐνθαῦτα ἔκτισαν πόλιν Ἄβδηρα τὴν πρότερος τούτων Κλαζομένιος Τιμήσιος κτίσας οὐκ ἀπόνητο ἀλλ᾽ ὑπὸ Θρηίκων ἐξελασθεὶς τιμὰς νῦν ὑπὸ Τηίων τῶν ἐν Ἀβδήροισι ὡς ἥρως ἔχει

οὗτοὶ μέν νυν Ἰώνων μοῦνοι τὴν δουλοσύνην οὐκ ἀνεχόμενοι ἐξέλιπον τὰς πατρίδας οἱ δ᾽ ἄλλοι Ἴωνες πλὴν Μιλησίων διὰ μάχης μὲν ἀπίκοντο Ἁρπάγῳ κατά περ οἱ ἐκλιπόντες καὶ ἄνδρες ἐγένοντο ἀγαθοὶ περὶ τῆς ἑωυτοῦ ἕκαστος μαχόμενοι ἑσσωθέντες δὲ καὶ ἁλόντες ἔμενον κατὰ χώρην ἕκαστοι καὶ τὰ ἐπιτασσόμενα ἐπετέλεον [ ] Μιλήσιοι δέ ὡς καὶ πρότερόν μοι ἔρηται αὐτῷ Κύρῳ ὅρκιον ποιησάμενοι ἡσυχίην ἦγον οὕτω δὴ τὸ δεύτερον Ἰωνίη ἐδεδούλωτο ὡς δὲ τοὺς ἐν τῇ ἠπείρῳ Ἴωνας ἐχειρώσατο Ἅρπαγος οἱ τὰς νήσους ἔχοντες Ἴωνες καταρρωδήσαντες ταῦτα σφέας αὐτοὺς ἔδοσαν Κύρῳ

κεκακωμένων δὲ Ἰώνων καὶ συλλεγομένων οὐδὲν ἧσσον ἐς τὸ Πανιώνιον πυνθάνομαι γνώμην Βίαντα ἄνδρα Πριηνέα ἀποδέξασθαι Ἴωσι χρησιμωτάτην τῇ εἰ ἐπείθοντο παρεῖχε ἂν σφι εὐδαιμονέειν Ἑλλήνων μάλιστα [ ] ὃς ἐκέλευε κοινῷ στόλῳ Ἴωνας ἀερθέντας πλέειν ἐς Σαρδὼ καὶ ἔπειτα πόλιν μίαν κτίζειν πάντων Ἰώνων καὶ οὕτω ἀπαλλαχθέντας σφέας δουλοσύνης εὐδαιμονήσειν νήσων τε ἁπασέων μεγίστην νεμομένους καὶ ἄρχοντας ἄλλων μένουσι δέ σφι ἐν τῇ Ἰωνίῃ οὐκ ἔφη ἐνορᾶν ἐλευθερίην ἔτι ἐσομένην [ ] αὕτη μὲν Βίαντος τοῦ Πριηνέος γνώμη ἐπὶ διεφθαρμένοισι Ἴωσι γενομένη χρηστὴ δὲ καὶ πρὶν διαφθαρῆναι Ἰωνίην Θάλεω ἀνδρὸς Μιλησίου ἐγένετο τὸ ἀνέκαθεν γένος ἐόντος Φοίνικος ὃς ἐκέλευε ἓν βουλευτήριον Ἴωνας ἐκτῆσθαι τὸ δὲ εἶναι ἐν Τέῳ Τέων γὰρ μέσον εἶναι Ἰωνίης τὰς δὲ ἄλλας πόλιας οἰκεομένας μηδὲν ἧσσον νομίζεσθαι κατά περ ἐς δῆμοι εἶεν οὗτοι μὲν δή σφι γνώμας τοιάσδε ἀπεδέξαντο

Ἅρπαγος δὲ καταστρεψάμενος Ἰωνίην ἐποιέετο στρατηίην ἐπὶ Κᾶρας καὶ Καυνίους καὶ Λυκίους ἅμα ἀγόμενος καὶ Ἴωνας καὶ Αἰολέας [ ] εἰσὶ δὲ τούτων Κᾶρες μὲν ἀπιγμένοι ἐς τὴν ἤπειρον ἐκ τῶν νήσων τὸ γὰρ παλαιὸν ἐόντες Μίνω κατήκοοι καὶ καλεόμενοι Λέλεγες εἶχον τὰς νήσους φόρον μὲν οὐδένα ὑποτελέοντες ὅσον καὶ ἐγὼ δυνατός εἰμι ἐπὶ μακρότατον ἐξικέσθαι ἀκοῇ οἳ δέ ὅκως Μίνως δέοιτο ἐπλήρουν οἱ τὰς νέας [ ] ἅτε δὴ Μίνω τε κατεστραμμένου γῆν πολλὴν καὶ εὐτυχέοντος τῷ πολέμῳ τὸ Καρικὸν ἦν ἔθνος λογιμώτατον τῶν ἐθνέων ἁπάντων κατὰ τοῦτον ἅμα τὸν χρόνον μακρῷ μάλιστα [ ] καί σφι τριξὰ ἐξευρήματα ἐγένετο τοῖσι οἱ Ἕλληνες ἐχρήσαντο καὶ γὰρ ἐπὶ τὰ κράνεα λόφους ἐπιδέεσθαι Κᾶρες εἰσὶ οἱ καταδέξαντες καὶ ἐπὶ τὰς ἀσπίδας τὰ σημήια ποιέεσθαι καὶ ὄχανα ἀσπίσι οὗτοι εἰσὶ οἱ ποιησάμενοι πρῶτοι τέως δὲ ἄνευ ὀχάνων ἐφόρεον τὰς ἀσπίδας πάντες οἳ περ ἐώθεσαν ἀσπίσι χρᾶσθαι τελαμῶσι σκυτίνοισι οἰηκίζοντες περὶ τοῖσι αὐχέσι τε καὶ τοῖσι ἀριστεροῖσι ὤμοισι περικείμενοι [ ] μετὰ δὲ τοὺς Κᾶρας χρόνῳ ὕστερον πολλῷ Δωριέες τε καὶ Ἴωνες ἐξανέστησαν ἐκ τῶν νήσων καὶ οὕτω ἐς τὴν ἤπειρον ἀπίκοντο κατὰ μὲν δὴ Κᾶρας οὕτω Κρῆτες λέγουσι γενέσθαι οὐ μέντοι αὐτοί γε ὁμολογέουσι τούτοισι οἱ Κᾶρες ἀλλὰ νομίζουσι αὐτοὶ ἑωυτοὺς εἶναι αὐτόχθονας ἠπειρώτας καὶ τῷ οὐνόματι τῷ αὐτῷ αἰεὶ διαχρεωμένους τῷ περ νῦν [ ] ἀποδείκνῦσι δὲ ἐν Μυλάσοισι Διὸς Καρίου ἱρὸν ἀρχαῖον τοῦ Μυσοῖσι μὲν καὶ Λυδοῖσι μέτεστι ὡς κασιγνήτοισι ἐοῦσι τοῖσι Καρσί τὸν γὰρ Λυδὸν καὶ τὸν Μυσὸν λέγουσι εἶναι Καρὸς ἀδελφεούς τούτοισι μὲν δὴ μέτεστι ὅσοι δὲ ἐόντες ἄλλου ἔθνεος ὁμόγλωσσοι τοῖσι Καρσὶ ἐγένοντο τούτοισι δὲ οὐ μέτα

οἱ δὲ Καύνιοι αὐτόχθονες δοκέειν ἐμοὶ εἰσί αὐτοὶ μέντοι ἐκ Κρήτης φασὶ εἶναι προσκεχωρήκασι δὲ γλῶσσαν μὲν πρὸς τὸ Καρικὸν ἔθνος οἱ Κᾶρες πρὸς τὸ Καυνικόν τοῦτο γὰρ οὐκ ἔχω ἀτρεκέως διακρῖναι νόμοισι δὲ χρέωνται κεχωρισμένοισι πολλὸν τῶν τε ἄλλων ἀνθρώπων καὶ Καρῶν τοῖσι γὰρ κάλλιστον ἐστὶ κατ᾽ ἡλικίην τε καὶ φιλότητα εἰλαδὸν συγγίνεσθαι ἐς πόσιν καὶ ἀνδράσι καὶ γυναιξὶ καὶ παισί [ ] ἱδρυθέντων δέ σφι ἱρῶν ξεινικῶν μετέπειτα ὥς σφι ἀπέδοξε ἔδοξέ δὲ τοῖσι πατρίοισι μοῦνον χέασθαι θεοῖσι ἐνδύντες τὰ ὅπλα ἅπαντες Καύνιοι ἡβηδόν τύπτοντες δόρασι τὸν ἠέρα μέχρι οὔρων τῶν Καλυνδικῶν εἵποντο καὶ ἔφασαν ἐκβάλλειν τοὺς ξεινικοὺς θεούς

καὶ οὗτοι μὲν τρόποισι τοιούτοισι χρέωνται οἱ δὲ Λύκιοι ἐκ Κρήτης τὠρχαῖον γεγόνασι τὴν γὰρ Κρήτην εἶχον τὸ παλαιὸν πᾶσαν βάρβαροι [ ] διενειχθέντων δὲ ἐν Κρήτῃ περὶ τῆς βασιληίης τῶν Εὐρώπης παίδων Σαρπηδόνος τε καὶ Μίνω ὡς ἐπεκράτησε τῇ στάσι Μίνως ἐξήλασε αὐτόν τε Σαρπηδόνα καὶ τοὺς στασιώτας αὐτοῦ οἳ δὲ ἀπωσθέντες ἀπίκοντο τῆς Ἀσίης ἐς γῆν τὴν Μιλυάδα τὴν γὰρ νῦν Λύκιοι νέμονται αὕτη τὸ παλαιὸν ἦν Μιλυάς οἱ δὲ Μιλύαι τότε Σόλυμοι ἐκαλέοντο [ ] ἕως μὲν δὴ αὐτῶν Σαρπηδὼν ἦρχε οἳ δὲ ἐκαλέοντο τό πέρ τε ἠνείκαντο οὔνομα καὶ νυν ἔτι καλέονται ὑπὸ τῶν περιοίκων οἱ Λύκιοι Τερμίλαι ὡς δὲ ἐξ Ἀθηνέων Λύκος Πανδίονος ἐξελασθεὶς καὶ οὗτος ὑπὸ τοῦ ἀδελφεοῦ Αἰγέος ἀπίκετο ἐς τοὺς Τερμίλας παρὰ Σαρπηδόνα οὕτω δὴ κατὰ τοῦ Λύκου τὴν ἐπωνυμίην Λύκιοι ἀνὰ χρόνον ἐκλήθησαν [ ] νόμοισι δὲ τὰ μὲν Κρητικοῖσι τὰ δὲ Καρικοῖσι χρέωνται ἓν δὲ τόδε ἴδιον νενομίκασι καὶ οὐδαμοῖσι ἄλλοισι συμφέρονται ἀνθρώπων καλέουσι ἀπὸ τῶν μητέρων ἑωυτοὺς καὶ οὐκὶ ἀπὸ τῶν πατέρων [ ] εἰρομένου δὲ ἑτέρου τὸν πλησίον τίς εἴη καταλέξει ἑωυτὸν μητρόθεν καὶ τῆς μητρὸς ἀνανεμέεται τὰς μητέρας καὶ ἢν μέν γε γυνὴ ἀστὴ δούλῳ συνοικήσῃ γενναῖα τὰ τέκνα νενόμισται ἢν δὲ ἀνὴρ ἀστὸς καὶ πρῶτος αὐτῶν γυναῖκα ξείνην παλλακὴν ἔχῃ ἄτιμα τὰ τέκνα γίνεται

οἱ μέν νυν Κᾶρες οὐδὲν λαμπρὸν ἔργον ἀποδεξάμενοι ἐδουλώθησαν ὑπὸ Ἁρπάγου οὔτε αὐτοὶ οἱ Κᾶρες ἀποδεξάμενοι οὐδέν οὔτε ὅσοι Ἑλλήνων ταύτην τὴν χώρην οἰκέουσι [ ] οἰκέουσι δὲ καὶ ἄλλοι καὶ Λακεδαιμονίων ἄποικοι Κνίδιοι οἳ τῆς χώρης τῆς σφετέρης τετραμμένης ἐς πόντον τὸ δὴ Τριόπιον καλέεται ἀργμένης δὲ ἐκ τῆς Χερσονήσου τῆς Βυβασσίης ἐούσης τε πάσης τῆς Κνιδίης πλὴν ὀλίγης περιρρόου [ ] τὰ μὲν γὰρ αὐτῆς πρὸς βορέην ἄνεμον Κεραμεικὸς κόλπος ἀπέργει τὰ δὲ πρὸς νότον κατὰ Σύμην τε καὶ Ῥόδον θάλασσα τὸ ὦν δὴ ὀλίγον τοῦτο ἐὸν ὅσον τε ἐπὶ πέντε στάδια ὤρυσσον οἱ Κνίδιοι ἐν ὅσῳ Ἅρπαγος τὴν Ἰωνίην κατεστρέφετο βουλόμενοι νῆσον τὴν χώρην ποιῆσαι ἐντὸς δὲ πᾶσά σφι ἐγίνετο τῇ γὰρ Κνιδίη χώρη ἐς τὴν ἤπειρον τελευτᾷ ταύτῃ ἰσθμός ἐστι τὸν ὤρυσσον [ ] καὶ δὴ πολλῇ χειρὶ ἐργαζομένων τῶν Κνιδίων μᾶλλον γάρ τι καὶ θειότερον ἐφαίνοντο τιτρώσκεσθαι οἱ ἐργαζόμενοι τοῦ οἰκότος τά τε ἄλλα τοῦ σώματος καὶ μάλιστα τὰ περὶ τοὺς ὀφθαλμοὺς θραυομένης τῆς πέτρης ἔπεμπον ἐς Δελφοὺς θεοπρόπους ἐπειρησομένους τὸ ἀντίξοον [ ] δὲ Πυθίη σφι ὡς αὐτοὶ Κνίδιοι λέγουσι χρᾷ ἐν τριμέτρῳ τόνῳ τάδε Ἰσθμὸν δὲ μὴ πυργοῦτε μηδ᾽ ὀρύσσετε Ζεὺς γάρ κ᾽ ἔθηκε νῆσον εἴ κ᾽ ἐβούλετο [ ] Κνίδιοι μὲν ταῦτα τῆς Πυθίης χρησάσης τοῦ τε ὀρύγματος ἐπαύσαντο καὶ Ἁρπάγῳ ἐπιόντι σὺν τῷ στρατῷ ἀμαχητὶ σφέας αὐτοὺς παρέδοσαν

ἦσαν δὲ Πηδασέες οἰκέοντες ὑπὲρ Ἁλικαρνησσοῦ μεσόγαιαν τοῖσι ὅκως τι μέλλοι ἀνεπιτήδεον ἔσεσθαι αὐτοῖσί τε καὶ τοῖσι περιοίκοισι ἱρείη τῆς Ἀθηναίης πώγωνα μέγαν ἴσχε τρὶς σφι τοῦτο ἐγένετο οὗτοι τῶν περὶ Καρίην ἀνδρῶν μοῦνοί τε ἀντέσχον χρόνον Ἁρπάγῳ καὶ πρήγματα παρέσχον πλεῖστα ὄρος τειχίσαντες τῷ οὔνομα ἐστὶ Λίδη

Πηδασέες μέν νυν χρόνῳ ἐξαιρέθησαν Λύκιοι δέ ὡς ἐς τὸ Ξάνθιον πεδίον ἤλασε Ἅρπαγος τὸν στρατόν ἐπεξιόντες καὶ μαχόμενοι ὀλίγοι πρὸς πολλοὺς ἀρετᾶς ἀπεδείκνυντο ἑσσωθέντες δὲ καὶ κατειληθέντες ἐς τὸ ἄστυ συνήλισαν ἐς τὴν ἀκρόπολιν τάς τε γυναῖκας καὶ τὰ τέκνα καὶ τὰ χρήματα καὶ τοὺς οἰκέτας καὶ ἔπειτα ὑπῆψαν τὴν ἀκρόπολιν πᾶσαν ταύτην καίεσθαι [ ] ταῦτα δὲ ποιήσαντες καὶ συνομόσαντες ὅρκους δεινούς ἐπεξελθόντες ἀπέθανον πάντες Ξάνθιοι μαχόμενοι [ ] τῶν δὲ νῦν Λυκίων φαμένων Ξανθίων εἶναι οἱ πολλοί πλὴν ὀγδώκοντα ἱστιέων εἰσὶ ἐπήλυδες αἱ δὲ ὀγδώκοντα ἱστίαι αὗται ἔτυχον τηνικαῦτα ἐκδημέουσι καὶ οὕτω περιεγένοντο τὴν μὲν δὴ Ξάνθον οὕτω ἔσχε Ἅρπαγος παραπλησίως δὲ καὶ τὴν Καῦνον ἔσχε καὶ γὰρ οἱ Καύνιοι τοὺς Λυκίους ἐμιμήσαντο τὰ πλέω

τὰ μέν νυν κάτω τῆς Ἀσίης Ἅρπαγος ἀνάστατα ἐποίεε τὰ δὲ ἄνω αὐτῆς αὐτὸς Κῦρος πᾶν ἔθνος καταστρεφόμενος καὶ οὐδὲν παριείς τὰ μέν νυν αὐτῶν πλέω παρήσομεν τὰ δὲ οἱ παρέσχε τε πόνον πλεῖστον καὶ ἀξιαπηγητότατα ἐστί τούτων ἐπιμνήσομαι

Κῦρος ἐπείτε τὰ πάντα τῆς ἠπείρου ὑποχείρια ἐποιήσατο Ἀσσυρίοισι ἐπετίθετο τῆς δὲ Ἀσσυρίης ἐστὶ μὲν κου καὶ ἄλλα πολίσματα μεγάλα πολλά τὸ δὲ ὀνομαστότατον καὶ ἰσχυρότατον καὶ ἔνθα σφι Νίνου ἀναστάτου γενομένης τὰ βασιλήια κατεστήκεε ἦν Βαβυλών ἐοῦσα τοιαύτη δή τις πόλις [ ] κέεται ἐν πεδίῳ μεγάλῳ μέγαθος ἐοῦσα μέτωπον ἕκαστον εἴκοσι καὶ ἑκατὸν σταδίων ἐούσης τετραγώνου οὗτοι στάδιοι τῆς περιόδου τῆς πόλιος γίνονται συνάπαντες ὀγδώκοντα καὶ τετρακόσιοι τὸ μέν νυν μέγαθος τοσοῦτον ἐστὶ τοῦ ἄστεος τοῦ Βαβυλωνίου ἐκεκόσμητο δὲ ὡς οὐδὲν ἄλλο πόλισμα τῶν ἡμεῖς ἴδμεν [ ] τάφρος μὲν πρῶτά μιν βαθέα τε καὶ εὐρέα καὶ πλέη ὕδατος περιθέει μετὰ δὲ τεῖχος πεντήκοντα μὲν πηχέων βασιληίων ἐὸν τὸ εὖρος ὕψος δὲ διηκοσίων πηχέων δὲ βασιλήιος πῆχυς τοῦ μετρίου ἐστὶ πήχεος μέζων τρισὶ δακτύλοισι

δεῖ δή με πρὸς τούτοισι ἔτι φράσαι ἵνα τε ἐκ τῆς τάφρου γῆ ἀναισιμώθη καὶ τὸ τεῖχος ὅντινα τρόπον ἔργαστο ὀρύσσοντες ἅμα τὴν τάφρον ἐπλίνθευον τὴν γῆν τὴν ἐκ τοῦ ὀρύγματος ἐκφερομένην ἑλκύσαντες δὲ πλίνθους ἱκανὰς ὤπτησαν αὐτὰς ἐν καμίνοισι [ ] μετὰ δὲ τέλματι χρεώμενοι ἀσφάλτῳ θερμῇ καὶ διὰ τριήκοντα δόμων πλίνθου ταρσοὺς καλάμων διαστοιβάζοντες ἔδειμαν πρῶτα μὲν τῆς τάφου τὰ χείλεα δευτέρα δὲ αὐτὸ τὸ τεῖχος τὸν αὐτὸν τρόπον [ ] ἐπάνω δὲ τοῦ τείχεος παρὰ τὰ ἔσχατα οἰκήματα μουνόκωλα ἔδειμαν τετραμμένα ἐς ἄλληλα τὸ μέσον δὲ τῶν οἰκημάτων ἔλιπον τεθρίππῳ περιέλασιν πύλαι δὲ ἐνεστᾶσι πέριξ τοῦ τείχεος ἑκατόν χάλκεαι πᾶσαι καὶ σταθμοί τε καὶ ὑπέρθυρα ὡσαύτως [ ] ἔστι δὲ ἄλλη πόλις ἀπέχουσα ὀκτὼ ἡμερέων ὁδὸν ἀπὸ Βαβυλῶνος Ἲς οὔνομα αὐτῇ ἔνθα ἐστὶ ποταμὸς οὐ μέγας Ἲς καὶ τῷ ποταμῷ τὸ οὔνομα ἐσβάλλει δὲ οὗτος ἐς τὸν Εὐφρήτην ποταμὸν τὸ ῥέεθρον οὗτος ὦν Ἲς ποταμὸς ἅμα τῷ ὕδατι θρόμβους ἀσφάλτου ἀναδιδοῖ πολλούς ἔνθεν ἄσφαλτος ἐς τὸ ἐν Βαβυλῶνι τεῖχος ἐκομίσθη

ἐτετείχιστο μέν νυν Βαβυλὼν τρόπῳ τοιῷδε ἔστι δὲ δύο φάρσεα τῆς πόλιος τὸ γὰρ μέσον αὐτῆς ποταμὸς διέργει τῷ οὔνομα ἐστὶ Εὐφρήτης ῥέει δὲ ἐξ Ἀρμενίων ἐὼν μέγας καὶ βαθὺς καὶ ταχύς ἐξιεῖ δὲ οὗτος ἐς τὴν Ἐρυθρὴν θάλασσαν [ ] τὸ ὦν δὴ τεῖχος ἑκάτερον τοὺς ἀγκῶνας ἐς τὸν ποταμὸν ἐλήλαται τὸ δὲ ἀπὸ τούτου αἱ ἐπικαμπαὶ παρὰ χεῖλος ἑκάτερον τοῦ ποταμοῦ αἱμασιὴ πλίνθων ὀπτέων παρατείνει [ ] τὸ δὲ ἄστυ αὐτό ἐὸν πλῆρες οἰκιέων τριωρόφων καὶ τετρωρόφων κατατέτμηται τὰς ὁδοὺς ἰθέας τάς τε ἄλλας καὶ τὰς ἐπικαρσίας τὰς ἐπὶ τὸν ποταμὸν ἐχούσας [ ] κατὰ δὴ ὦν ἑκάστην ὁδὸν ἐν τῇ αἱμασιῇ τῇ παρὰ τὸν ποταμὸν πυλίδες ἐπῆσαν ὅσαι περ αἱ λαῦραι τοσαῦται ἀριθμόν ἦσαν δὲ καὶ αὗται χάλκεαι φέρουσαι καὶ αὐταὶ ἐς αὐτὸν τὸν ποταμόν

τοῦτο μὲν δὴ τὸ τεῖχος θώρηξ ἐστί ἕτερον δὲ ἔσωθεν τεῖχος περιθέει οὐ πολλῷ τεῳ ἀσθενέστερον τοῦ ἑτέρου τείχεος στεινότερον δέ [ ] ἐν δὲ φάρσεϊ ἑκατέρῳ τῆς πόλιος ἐτετείχιστο ἐν μέσῳ ἐν τῷ μὲν τὰ βασιλήια περιβόλῳ μεγάλῳ τε καὶ ἰσχυρῷ ἐν δὲ τῷ ἑτέρῳ Διὸς Βήλου ἱρὸν χαλκόπυλον καὶ ἐς ἐμὲ ἔτι τοῦτο ἐόν δύο σταδίων πάντῃ ἐὸν τετράγωνον [ ] ἐν μέσῳ δὲ τοῦ ἱροῦ πύργος στερεὸς οἰκοδόμηται σταδίου καὶ τὸ μῆκος καὶ τὸ εὖρος καὶ ἐπὶ τούτῳ τῷ πύργῳ ἄλλος πύργος ἐπιβέβηκε καὶ ἕτερος μάλα ἐπὶ τούτῳ μέχρι οὗ ὀκτὼ πύργων [ ] ἀνάβασις δὲ ἐς αὐτοὺς ἔξωθεν κύκλῳ περὶ πάντας τοὺς πύργους ἔχουσα πεποίηται μεσοῦντι δέ κου τῆς ἀναβάσιος ἐστὶ καταγωγή τε καὶ θῶκοι ἀμπαυστήριοι ἐν τοῖσι κατίζοντες ἀμπαύονται οἱ ἀναβαίνοντες [ ] ἐν δὲ τῷ τελευταίῳ πύργῳ νηὸς ἔπεστι μέγας ἐν δὲ τῷ νηῷ κλίνη μεγάλη κέεται εὖ ἐστρωμένη καὶ οἱ τράπεζα παρακέεται χρυσέη ἄγαλμα δὲ οὐκ ἔνι οὐδὲν αὐτόθι ἐνιδρυμένον οὐδὲ νύκτα οὐδεὶς ἐναυλίζεται ἀνθρώπων ὅτι μὴ γυνὴ μούνη τῶν ἐπιχωρίων τὴν ἂν θεὸς ἕληται ἐκ πασέων ὡς λέγουσι οἱ Χαλδαῖοι ἐόντες ἱρέες τούτου τοῦ θεοῦ

φασὶ δὲ οἱ αὐτοὶ οὗτοι ἐμοὶ μὲν οὐ πιστὰ λέγοντες τὸν θεὸν αὐτὸν φοιτᾶν τε ἐς τὸν νηὸν καὶ ἀμπαύεσθαι ἐπὶ τῆς κλίνης κατά περ ἐν Θήβῃσι τῇσι Αἰγυπτίῃσι κατὰ τὸν αὐτὸν τρόπον ὡς λέγουσι οἱ Αἰγύπτιοι [ ] καὶ γὰρ δὴ ἐκεῖθι κοιμᾶται ἐν τῷ τοῦ Διὸς τοῦ Θηβαιέος γυνή ἀμφότεραι δὲ αὗται λέγονται ἀνδρῶν οὐδαμῶν ἐς ὁμιλίην φοιτᾶν καὶ κατά περ ἐν Πατάροισι τῆς Λυκίης πρόμαντις τοῦ θεοῦ ἐπεὰν γένηται οὐ γὰρ ὦν αἰεί ἐστι χρηστήριον αὐτόθι ἐπεὰν δὲ γένηται τότε ὦν συγκατακληίεται τὰς νύκτας ἔσω ἐν τῷ νηῷ

ἔστι δὲ τοῦ ἐν Βαβύλῶνι ἱροῦ καὶ ἄλλος κάτω νηός ἔνθα ἄγαλμα μέγα τοῦ Διὸς ἔνι κατήμενον χρύσεον καὶ οἱ τράπεζα μεγάλη παρακέεται χρυσέη καὶ τὸ βάθρον οἱ καὶ θρόνος χρύσεος ἐστί καὶ ὡς ἔλεγον οἱ Χαλδαῖοι ταλάντων ὀκτακοσίων χρυσίου πεποίηται ταῦτα [ ] ἔξω δὲ τοῦ νηοῦ βωμός ἐστι χρύσεος ἔστι δὲ καὶ ἄλλος βωμὸς μέγας ἐπ᾽ οὗ θύεται τὰ τέλεα τῶν προβάτων ἐπὶ γὰρ τοῦ χρυσέου βωμοῦ οὐκ ἔξεστι θύειν ὅτι μὴ γαλαθηνὰ μούνᾳ ἐπὶ δὲ τοῦ μέζονος βωμοῦ καὶ καταγίζουσι λιβανωτοῦ χίλια τάλαντα ἔτεος ἑκάστου οἱ Χαλδαῖοι τότε ἐπεὰν τὴν ὁρτὴν ἄγωσι τῷ θεῷ τούτῳ ἦν δὲ ἐν τῷ τεμένεϊ τούτῳ ἔτι τὸν χρόνον ἐκεῖνον καὶ ἀνδριὰς δυώδεκα πηχέων χρύσεος στερεός [ ] ἐγὼ μέν μιν οὐκ εἶδον τὰ δὲ λέγεται ὑπὸ Χαλδαίων ταῦτα λέγω τούτῳ τῷ ἀνδριάντι Δαρεῖος μὲν Ὑστάσπεος ἐπιβουλεύσας οὐκ ἐτόλμησε λαβεῖν Ξέρξης δὲ Δαρείου ἔλαβε καὶ τὸν ἱρέα ἀπέκτεινε ἀπαγορεύοντα μὴ κινέειν τὸν ἀνδριάντα τὸ μὲν δὴ ἱρὸν τοῦτο οὕτω κεκόσμηται ἔστι δὲ καὶ ἴδια ἀναθήματα πολλά

τῆς δὲ Βαβυλῶνος ταύτης πολλοὶ μέν κου καὶ ἄλλοι ἐγένοντο βασιλέες τῶν ἐν τοῖσι Ἀσσυρίοισι λόγοισι μνήμην ποιήσομαι οἳ τὰ τείχεά τε ἐπεκόσμησαν καὶ τὰ ἱρά ἐν δὲ δὴ καὶ γυναῖκες δύο μὲν πρότερον ἄρξασα τῆς ὕστερον γενεῇσι πέντε πρότερον γενομένη τῇ οὔνομα ἦν Σεμίραμις αὕτη μὲν ἀπεδέξατο χώματα ἀνὰ τὸ πεδίον ἐόντα ἀξιοθέητα πρότερον δὲ ἐώθεε ποταμὸς ἀνὰ τὸ πεδίον πᾶν πελαγίζειν

δὲ δὴ δεύτερον γενομένη ταύτης βασίλεια τῇ οὔνομα ἦν Νίτωκρις αὕτη δὲ συνετωτέρη γενομένη τῆς πρότερον ἀρξάσης τοῦτο μὲν μνημόσυνα ἐλίπετο τὰ ἐγὼ ἀπηγήσομαι τοῦτο δὲ τὴν Μήδων ὁρῶσα ἀρχὴν μεγάλην τε καὶ οὐκ ἀτρεμίζουσαν ἀλλ᾽ ἄλλα τε ἀραιρημένα ἄστεα αὐτοῖσι ἐν δὲ δὴ καὶ τὴν Νίνον προεφυλάξατο ὅσα ἐδύνατο μάλιστα [ ] πρῶτα μὲν τὸν Εὐφρήτην ποταμὸν ῥέοντα πρότερον ἰθύν ὅς σφι διὰ τῆς πόλιος μέσης ῥέει τοῦτον ἄνωθεν διώρυχας ὀρύξασα οὕτω δή τι ἐποίησε σκολιὸν ὥστε δὴ τρὶς ἐς τῶν τινα κωμέων τῶν ἐν τῇ Ἀσσυρίῃ ἀπικνέεται ῥέων τῇ δὲ κώμῃ οὔνομα ἐστί ἐς τὴν ἀπικνέεται Εὐφρήτης Ἀρδέρικκα καὶ νῦν οἳ ἂν κομίζωνται ἀπὸ τῆσδε τῆς θαλάσσης ἐς Βαβυλῶνα καταπλέοντες τὸν Εὐφρήτην ποταμὸν τρίς τε ἐς τὴν αὐτὴν ταύτην κώμην παραγίνονται καὶ ἐν τρισὶ ἡμέρῃσι [ ] τοῦτο μὲν δὴ τοιοῦτον ἐποίησε χῶμα δὲ παρέχωσε παρ᾽ ἑκάτερον τοῦ ποταμοῦ τὸ χεῖλος ἄξιον θώματος μέγαθος καὶ ὕψος ὅσον τι ἐστί [ ] κατύπερθε δὲ πολλῷ Βαβυλῶνος ὤρυσσε ἔλυτρον λίμνῃ ὀλίγον τι παρατείνουσα ἀπὸ τοῦ ποταμοῦ βάθος μὲν ἐς τὸ ὕδωρ αἰεὶ ὀρύσσουσα εὖρος δὲ τὸ περίμετρον αὐτοῦ ποιεῦσα εἴκοσί τε καὶ τετρακοσίων σταδίων τὸν δὲ ὀρυσσόμενον χοῦν ἐκ τούτου τοῦ ὀρύγματος ἀναισίμου παρὰ τὰ χείλεα τοῦ ποταμοῦ παραχέουσα [ ] ἐπείτε δέ οἱ ὀρώρυκτο λίθους ἀγαγομένη κρηπῖδα κύκλῳ περὶ αὐτὴν ἤλασε [ ] ἐποίεε δὲ ἀμφότερα ταῦτα τόν τε ποταμὸν σκολιὸν καὶ τὸ ὄρυγμα πᾶν ἕλος ὡς τε ποταμὸς βραδύτερος εἴη περὶ καμπὰς πολλὰς ἀγνύμενος καὶ οἱ πλόοι ἔωσι σκολιοὶ ἐς τὴν Βαβυλῶνα ἔκ τε τῶν πλόων ἐκδέκηται περίοδος τῆς λίμνης μακρή [ ] κατὰ τοῦτο δὲ ἐργάζετο τῆς χώρης τῇ αἵ τε ἐσβολαὶ ἦσαν καὶ τὰ σύντομα τῆς ἐκ Μήδων ὁδοῦ ἵνα μὴ ἐπιμισγόμενοι οἱ Μῆδοι ἐκμανθάνοιεν αὐτῆς τὰ πρήγματα

ταῦτα μὲν δὴ ἐκ βάθεος περιεβάλετο τοιήνδε δὲ ἐξ αὐτῶν παρενθήκην ἐποιήσατο τῆς πόλιος ἐούσης δύο φαρσέων τοῦ δὲ ποταμοῦ μέσον ἔχοντος ἐπὶ τῶν πρότερον βασιλέων ὅκως τις ἐθέλοι ἐκ τοῦ ἑτέρου φάρσεος ἐς τοὔτερον διαβῆναι χρῆν πλοίῳ διαβαίνειν καὶ ἦν ὡς ἐγὼ δοκέω ὀχληρὸν τοῦτο αὕτη δὲ καὶ τοῦτο προεῖδε ἐπείτε γὰρ ὤρυσσε τὸ ἔλυτρον τῇ λίμνῃ μνημόσυνον τόδε ἄλλο ἀπὸ τοῦ αὐτοῦ ἔργου ἐλίπετο [ ] ἐτάμνετο λίθους περιμήκεας ὡς δέ οἱ ἦσαν οἱ λίθοι ἕτοιμοι καὶ τὸ χωρίον ὀρώρυκτο ἐκτρέψασα τοῦ ποταμοῦ τὸ ῥέεθρον πᾶν ἐς τὸ ὤρυσσε χωρίον ἐν ἐπίμπλατο τοῦτο ἐν τούτω ἀπεξηρασμένου τοῦ ἀρχαίου ῥεέθρου τοῦτο μὲν τὰ χείλεα τοῦ ποταμοῦ κατὰ τὴν πόλιν καὶ τὰς καταβάσιας τὰς ἐκ τῶν πυλίδων ἐς τὸν ποταμὸν φερούσας ἀνοικοδόμησε πλίνθοισι ὀπτῇσι κατὰ τὸν αὐτὸν λόγον τῷ τείχεϊ τοῦτο δὲ κατὰ μέσην κου μάλιστα τὴν πόλιν τοῖσι λίθοισι τοὺς ὠρύξατο οἰκοδόμεε γέφυραν δέουσα τοὺς λίθους σιδήρῳ τε καὶ μολύβδῳ [ ] ἐπιτείνεσκε δὲ ἐπ᾽ αὐτήν ὅκως μὲν ἡμέρη γίνοιτο ξύλα τετράγωνα ἐπ᾽ ὧν τὴν διάβασιν ἐποιεῦντο οἱ Βαβυλώνιοι τὰς δὲ νύκτας τὰ ξύλα ταῦτα ἀπαιρέεσκον τοῦδε εἵνεκα ἵνα μὴ διαφοιτέοντες τὰς νύκτας κλέπτοιεν παρ᾽ ἀλλήλων [ ] ὡς δὲ τό τε ὀρυχθὲν λίμνη πλήρης ἐγεγόνεε ὑπὸ τοῦ ποταμοῦ καὶ τὰ περὶ τὴν γέφυραν ἐκεκόσμητο τὸν Εὐφρήτην ποταμὸν ἐς τὰ ἀρχαῖα ῥέεθρα ἐκ τῆς λίμνης ἐξήγαγε καὶ οὕτω τὸ ὀρυχθὲν ἕλος γενόμενον ἐς δέον ἐδόκεε γεγονέναι καὶ τοῖσι πολιήτῃσι γέφυρα ἦν κατεσκευασμένη

δ᾽ αὐτὴ αὕτη βασίλεια καὶ ἀπάτην τοιήνδε τινὰ ἐμηχανήσατο ὕπερ τῶν μάλιστα λεωφόρων πυλέων τοῦ ἄστεος τάφον ἑωυτῇ κατεσκευάσατο μετέωρον ἐπιπολῆς αὐτέων τῶν πυλέων ἐνεκόλαψε δὲ ἐς τὸν τάφον γράμματα λέγοντα τάδε [ ] τῶν τις ἐμεῦ ὕστερον γινομένων Βαβυλῶνος βασιλέων ἢν σπανίσῃ χρημάτων ἀνοίξας τὸν τάφον λαβέτω ὁκόσα βούλεται χρήματα μὴ μέντοι γε μὴ σπανίσας γε ἄλλως ἀνοίξῃ οὐ γὰρ ἄμεινον [ ] οὗτος τάφος ἦν ἀκίνητος μέχρι οὗ ἐς Δαρεῖον περιῆλθε βασιληίη Δαρείῳ δὲ καὶ δεινὸν ἐδόκεε εἶναι τῇσι πύλῃσι ταύτῃσι μηδὲν χρᾶσθαι καὶ χρημάτων κειμένων καὶ αὐτῶν τῶν γραμμάτων ἐπικαλεομένων μὴ οὐ λαβεῖν αὐτά [ ] τῇσι δὲ πύλῃσι ταύτῃσι οὐδὲν ἐχρᾶτο τοῦδε εἵνεκα ὅτι ὕπερ κεφαλῆς οἱ ἐγίνετο νεκρὸς διεξελαύνοντι [ ] ἀνοίξας δὲ τὸν τάφον εὗρε χρήματα μὲν οὔ τὸν δὲ νεκρὸν καὶ γράμματα λέγοντα τάδε εἰ μὴ ἄπληστός τε ἔας χρημάτων καὶ αἰσχροκερδής οὐκ ἂν νεκρῶν θήκας ἀνέῳγες αὕτη μέν νυν βασίλεια τοιαύτη τις λέγεται γενέσθαι

δὲ δὴ Κῦρος ἐπὶ ταύτης τῆς γυναικὸς τὸν παῖδα ἐστρατεύετο ἔχοντά τε τοῦ πατρὸς τοῦ ἑωυτοῦ τοὔνομα Λαβυνήτου καὶ τὴν Ἀσσυρίων ἀρχήν στρατεύεται δὲ δὴ βασιλεὺς μέγας καὶ σιτίοισι εὖ ἐσκευασμένος ἐξ οἴκου καὶ προβάτοῖσι καὶ δὴ καὶ ὕδωρ ἀπὸ τοῦ Χοάσπεω ποταμοῦ ἅμα ἄγεται τοῦ παρὰ Σοῦσα ῥέοντος τοῦ μούνου πίνει βασιλεὺς καὶ ἄλλου οὐδενὸς ποταμοῦ [ ] τούτου δὲ τοῦ Χοάσπεω τοῦ ὕδατος ἀπεψημένου πολλαὶ κάρτα ἅμαξαι τετράκυκλοι ἡμιόνεαι κομίζουσαι ἐν ἀγγηίοισι ἀργυρέοισι ἕπονται ὅκῃ ἂν ἐλαύνῃ ἑκάστοτε

ἐπείτε δὲ Κῦρος πορευόμενος ἐπὶ τὴν Βαβυλῶνα ἐγίνετο ἐπὶ Γύνδῃ ποταμῷ τοῦ αἱ μὲν πηγαὶ ἐν Ματιηνοῖσι ὄρεσι ῥέει δὲ διὰ Δαρδανέων ἐκδιδοῖ δὲ ἐς ἕτερον ποταμὸν Τίγρην δὲ παρὰ Ὦπιν πόλιν ῥέων ἐς τὴν Ἐρυθρὴν θάλασσαν ἐκδιδοῖ τοῦτον δὴ τὸν Γύνδην ποταμὸν ὡς διαβαίνειν ἐπειρᾶτο Κῦρος ἐόντα νηυσιπέρητον ἐνθαῦτά οἱ τῶν τις ἱρῶν ἵππων τῶν λευκῶν ὑπὸ ὕβριος ἐσβὰς ἐς τὸν ποταμὸν διαβαίνειν ἐπειρᾶτο δέ μιν συμψήσας ὑποβρύχιον οἰχώκεε φέρων [ ] κάρτα τε δὴ ἐχαλέπαινε τῷ ποταμῷ Κῦρος τοῦτο ὑβρίσαντι καί οἱ ἐπηπείλησε οὕτω δή μιν ἀσθενέα ποιήσειν ὥστε τοῦ λοιποῦ καὶ γυναῖκας μιν εὐπετέως τὸ γόνυ οὐ βρεχούσας διαβήσεσθαι [ ] μετὰ δὲ τὴν ἀπειλὴν μετεὶς τὴν ἐπὶ Βαβυλῶνα στράτευσιν διαίρεε τὴν στρατιὴν δίχα διελὼν δὲ κατέτεινε σχοινοτενέας ὑποδέξας διώρυχας ὀγδώκοντα καὶ ἑκατὸν παρ᾽ ἑκάτερον τὸ χεῖλος τοῦ Γύνδεω τετραμμένας πάντα τρόπον διατάξας δὲ τὸν στρατὸν ὀρύσσειν ἐκέλευε [ ] οἷα δὲ ὁμίλου πολλοῦ ἐργαζομένου ἤνετο μὲν τὸ ἔργον ὅμως μέντοι τὴν θερείην πᾶσαν αὐτοῦ ταύτῃ διέτριψαν ἐργαζόμενοι

ὡς δὲ τὸν Γύνδην ποταμὸν ἐτίσατο Κῦρος ἐς τριηκοσίας καὶ ἑξήκοντα διώρυχάς μιν διαλαβών καὶ τὸ δεύτερον ἔαρ ὑπέλαμπε οὕτω δὴ ἤλαυνε ἐπὶ τὴν Βαβυλῶνα οἱ δὲ Βαβυλώνιοι ἐκστρατευσάμενοι ἔμενον αὐτόν ἐπεὶ δὲ ἐγένετο ἐλαύνων ἀγχοῦ τῆς πόλιος συνέβαλόν τε οἱ Βαβυλώνιοι καὶ ἑσσωθέντες τῇ μάχῃ κατειλήθησαν ἐς τὸ ἄστυ [ ] οἷα δὲ ἐξεπιστάμενοι ἔτι πρότερον τὸν Κῦρον οὐκ ἀτρεμίζοντα ἀλλ᾽ ὁρέοντες αὐτὸν παντὶ ἔθνεϊ ὁμοίως ἐπιχειρέοντα προεσάξαντο σιτία ἐτέων κάρτα πολλῶν ἐνθαῦτα οὗτοι μὲν λόγον εἶχον τῆς πολιορκίης οὐδένα Κῦρος δὲ ἀπορίῃσι ἐνείχετο ἅτε χρόνου τε ἐγγινομένου συχνοῦ ἀνωτέρω τε οὐδὲν τῶν πρηγμάτων προκοπτομένων

εἴτε δὴ ὦν ἄλλος οἱ ἀπορέοντι ὑπεθήκατο εἴτε καὶ αὐτὸς ἔμαθε τὸ ποιητέον οἱ ἦν ἐποίεε δὴ τοιόνδε [ ] τάξας τὴν στρατιὴν ἅπασαν ἐξ ἐμβολῆς τοῦ ποταμοῦ τῇ ἐς τὴν πόλιν ἐσβάλλει καὶ ὄπισθε αὖτις τῆς πόλιος τάξας ἑτέρους τῇ ἐξιεῖ ἐκ τῆς πόλιος ποταμός προεῖπε τῷ στρατῷ ὅταν διαβατὸν τὸ ῥέεθρον ἴδωνται γενόμενον ἐσιέναι ταύτῃ ἐς τὴν πόλιν οὕτω τε δὴ τάξας καὶ κατὰ ταῦτα παραινέσας ἀπήλαυνε αὐτὸς σὺν τῷ ἀχρηίῳ τοῦ στρατοῦ [ ] ἀπικόμενος δὲ ἐπὶ τὴν λίμνην τά περ τῶν Βαβυλωνίων βασίλεια ἐποίησε κατά τε τὸν ποταμὸν καὶ κατὰ τὴν λίμνην ἐποίεε καὶ Κῦρος ἕτερα τοιαῦτα τὸν γὰρ ποταμὸν διώρυχι ἐσαγαγὼν ἐς τὴν λίμνην ἐοῦσαν ἕλος τὸ ἀρχαῖον ῥέεθρον διαβατὸν εἶναι ἐποίησε ὑπονοστήσαντος τοῦ ποταμοῦ [ ] γενομένου δὲ τούτου τοιούτου οἱ Πέρσαι οἵ περ ἐτετάχατο ἐπ᾽ αὐτῷ τούτῳ κατὰ τὸ ῥέεθρον τοῦ Εὐφρήτεω ποταμοῦ ὑπονενοστηκότος ἀνδρὶ ὡς ἐς μέσον μηρὸν μάλιστά κῃ κατὰ τοῦτο ἐσήισαν ἐς τὴν Βαβυλῶνα [ ] εἰ μέν νυν προεπύθοντο ἔμαθον οἱ Βαβυλώνιοι τὸ ἐκ τοῦ Κύρου ποιεύμενον οἳ δ᾽ ἂν περιιδόντες τοὺς Πέρσας ἐσελθεῖν ἐς τὴν πόλιν διέφθειραν ἂν κάκιστα κατακληίσαντες γὰρ ἂν πάσας τὰς ἐς τὸν ποταμὸν πυλίδας ἐχούσας καὶ αὐτοὶ ἐπὶ τὰς αἱμασιὰς ἀναβάντες τὰς παρὰ τὰ χείλεα τοῦ ποταμοῦ ἐληλαμένας ἔλαβον ἂν σφέας ὡς ἐν κύρτῃ [ ] νῦν δὲ ἐξ ἀπροσδοκήτου σφι παρέστησαν οἱ Πέρσαι ὑπὸ δὲ μεγάθεος τῆς πόλιος ὡς λέγεται ὑπὸ τῶν ταύτῃ οἰκημένων τῶν περὶ τὰ ἔσχατα τῆς πόλιος ἑαλωκότων τοὺς τὸ μέσον οἰκέοντας τῶν Βαβυλωνίων οὐ μανθάνειν ἑαλωκότας ἀλλὰ τυχεῖν γάρ σφι ἐοῦσαν ὁρτήν χορεύειν τε τοῦτον τὸν χρόνον καὶ ἐν εὐπαθείῃσι εἶναι ἐς δὴ καὶ τὸ κάρτα ἐπύθοντο

καὶ Βαβυλὼν μὲν οὕτω τότε πρῶτον ἀραίρητο τὴν δὲ δύναμιν τῶν Βαβυλωνίων πολλοῖσι μὲν καὶ ἄλλοισι δηλώσω ὅση τις ἐστί ἐν δὲ δὴ καὶ τῷδε βασιλέι τῷ μεγάλῳ ἐς τροφὴν αὐτοῦ τε καὶ τῆς στρατιῆς διαραίρηται πάρεξ τοῦ φόρου γῆ πᾶσα ὅσης ἄρχει δυώδεκα ὦν μηνῶν ἐόντων ἐς τὸν ἐνιαυτὸν τοὺς τέσσερας μῆνας τρέφει μιν Βαβυλωνίη χωρῇ τοὺς δὲ ὀκτὼ τῶν μηνῶν λοιπὴ πᾶσα Ἀσίη [ ] οὕτω τριτημορίη Ἀσσυρίη χώρη τῇ δυνάμι τῆς ἄλλης Ἀσίης καὶ ἀρχὴ τῆς χώρης ταύτης τὴν οἱ Πέρσαι σατραπηίην καλέουσι ἐστὶ ἁπασέων τῶν ἀρχέων πολλόν τι κρατίστη ὅκου Τριτανταίχμῃ τῷ Ἀρταβάζου ἐκ βασιλέος ἔχοντι τὸν νομὸν τοῦτον ἀργυρίου μὲν προσήιε ἑκάστης ἡμέρης ἀρτάβη μεστή [ ] δὲ ἀρτάβη μέτρον ἐὸν Περσικόν χωρέει μεδίμνου Ἀττικοῦ πλέον χοίνιξι τρισὶ Ἀττικῇσι ἵπποι δὲ οἱ αὐτοῦ ἦσαν ἰδίῃ πάρεξ τῶν πολεμιστηρίων οἱ μὲν ἀναβαίνοντες τὰς θηλέας ὀκτακόσιοι αἱ δὲ βαινόμεναι ἑξακισχίλιαι καὶ μυρίαι ἀνέβαινε γὰρ ἕκαστος τῶν ἐρσένων τούτων εἴκοσι ἵππους [ ] κυνῶν δὲ Ἰνδικῶν τοσοῦτο δή τι πλῆθος ἐτρέφετο ὥστε τέσσερες τῶν ἐν τῷ πεδίῳ κῶμαι μεγάλαι τῶν ἄλλων ἐοῦσαι ἀτελέες τοῖσι κυσὶ προσετετάχατο σιτία παρέχειν τοιαῦτα μὲν τῷ ἄρχοντι τῆς Βαβυλῶνος ὑπῆρχε ἐόντα

δὲ γῆ τῶν Ἀσσυρίων ὕεται μὲν ὀλίγῳ καὶ τὸ ἐκτρέφον τὴν ῥίζαν τοῦ σίτου ἐστὶ τοῦτο ἀρδόμενον μέντοι ἐκ τοῦ ποταμοῦ ἁδρύνεταί τε τὸ λήιον καὶ παραγίνεται σῖτος οὐ κατὰ περ ἐν Αἰγύπτῳ αὐτοῦ τοῦ ποταμοῦ ἀναβαίνοντος ἐς τὰς ἀρούρας ἀλλὰ χερσί τε καὶ κηλωνηίοισι ἀρδόμενος [ ] γὰρ Βαβυλωνίη χώρη πᾶσα κατά περ Αἰγυπτίη κατατέτμηται ἐς διώρυχας καὶ μεγίστη τῶν διωρύχων ἐστὶ νηυσιπέρητος πρὸς ἥλιον τετραμμένη τὸν χειμερινόν ἐσέχει δὲ ἐς ἄλλον ποταμὸν ἐκ τοῦ Εὐφρήτεω ἐς τὸν Τίγρην παρ᾽ ὃν Νίνος πόλις οἴκητο ἔστι δὲ χωρέων αὕτη πασέων μακρῷ ἀρίστη τῶν ἡμεῖς ἴδμεν Δήμητρος καρπὸν ἐκφέρειν [ ] τὰ γὰρ δὴ ἄλλα δένδρεα οὐδὲ πειρᾶται ἀρχὴν φέρειν οὔτε συκέην οὔτε ἄμπελον οὔτε ἐλαίην τὸν δὲ τῆς Δήμητρος καρπὸν ὧδε ἀγαθὴ ἐκφέρειν ἐστὶ ὥστε ἐπὶ διηκόσια μὲν τὸ παράπαν ἀποδιδοῖ ἐπειδὰν δὲ ἄριστα αὐτὴ ἑωυτῆς ἐνείκῃ ἐπὶ τριηκόσια ἐκφέρει τὰ δὲ φύλλα αὐτόθι τῶν τε πυρῶν καὶ τῶν κριθέων τὸ πλάτος γίνεται τεσσέρων εὐπετέως δακτύλων [ ] ἐκ δὲ κέγχρου καὶ σησάμου ὅσον τι δένδρον μέγαθος γίνεται ἐξεπιστάμενος μνήμην οὐ ποιήσομαι εὖ εἰδὼς ὅτι τοῖσι μὴ ἀπιγμένοισι ἐς τὴν Βαβυλωνίην χώρην καὶ τὰ εἰρημένα καρπῶν ἐχόμενα ἐς ἀπιστίην πολλὴν ἀπῖκται χρέωνται δὲ οὐδὲν ἐλαίῳ ἀλλ᾽ ἐκ τῶν σησάμων ποιεῦντες εἰσὶ δέ σφι φοίνικες πεφυκότες ἀνὰ πᾶν τὸ πεδίον οἱ πλεῦνες αὐτῶν καρποφόροι ἐκ τῶν καὶ σιτία καὶ οἶνον καὶ μέλι ποιεῦνται [ ] τοὺς συκέων τρόπον θεραπεύουσι τά τε ἄλλα καὶ φοινίκων τοὺς ἔρσενας Ἕλληνὲς καλέουσι τούτων τὸν καρπὸν περιδέουσι τῇσι βαλανηφόροισι τὸν φοινίκων ἵνα πεπαίνῃ τε σφι ψὴν τὴν βάλανον ἐσδύνων καὶ μὴ ἀπορρέῃ καρπὸς τοῦ φοίνικος ψῆνας γὰρ δὴ φέρουσι ἐν τῷ καρπῷ οἱ ἔρσενες κατά περ δὴ οἱ ὄλυνθοι

τὸ δὲ ἁπάντων θῶμα μέγιστόν μοι ἐστὶ τῶν ταύτῃ μετά γε αὐτὴν τὴν πόλιν ἔρχομαι φράσων τὰ πλοῖα αὐτοῖσι ἐστὶ τὰ κατὰ τὸν ποταμὸν πορευόμενα ἐς τὴν Βαβυλῶνα ἐόντα κυκλοτερέα πάντα σκύτινα [ ] ἐπεὰν γὰρ ἐν τοῖσι Ἀρμενίοισι τοῖσι κατύπερθε Ἀσσυρίων οἰκημένοισι νομέας ἰτέης ταμόμενοι ποιήσωνται περιτείνουσι τούτοισι διφθέρας στεγαστρίδας ἔξωθεν ἐδάφεος τρόπον οὔτε πρύμνην ἀποκρίνοντες οὔτε πρῴρην συνάγοντες ἀλλ᾽ ἀσπίδος τρόπον κυκλοτερέα ποιήσαντες καὶ καλάμης πλήσαντες πᾶν τὸ πλοῖον τοῦτο ἀπιεῖσι κατὰ τὸν ποταμὸν φέρεσθαι φορτίων πλήσαντες μάλιστα δὲ βίκους φοινικηίους κατάγουσι οἴνου πλέους [ ] ἰθύνεται δὲ ὑπό τε δύο πλήκτρων καὶ δύο ἀνδρῶν ὀρθῶν ἑστεώτων καὶ μὲν ἔσω ἕλκει τὸ πλῆκτρον δὲ ἔξω ὠθέει ποιέεται δὲ καὶ κάρτα μεγάλα ταῦτα τὰ πλοῖα καὶ ἐλάσσω τὰ δὲ μέγιστα αὐτῶν καὶ πεντακισχιλίων ταλάντων γόμον ἔχει ἐν ἑκάστῳ δὲ πλοίῳ ὄνος ζωὸς ἔνεστι ἐν δὲ τοῖσι μέζοσι πλεῦνες [ ] ἐπεὰν ὦν ἀπίκωνται πλέοντες ἐς τὴν Βαβυλῶνα καὶ διαθέωνται τὸν φόρτον νομέας μὲν τοῦ πλοίου καὶ τὴν καλάμην πᾶσαν ἀπ᾽ ὦν ἐκήρυξαν τὰς δὲ διφθέρας ἐπισάξαντες ἐπὶ τοὺς ὄνους ἀπελαύνουσι ἐς τοὺς Ἀρμενίους [ ] ἀνὰ τὸν ποταμὸν γὰρ δὴ οὐκ οἷά τε ἐστὶ πλέειν οὐδενὶ τρόπῳ ὑπὸ τάχεος τοῦ ποταμοῦ διὰ γὰρ ταῦτα καὶ οὐκ ἐκ ξύλων ποιεῦνται τὰ πλοῖα ἀλλ᾽ ἐκ διφθερέων ἐπεὰν δὲ τοὺς ὄνους ἐλαύνοντες ἀπίκωνται ὀπίσω ἐς τοὺς Ἀρμενίους ἄλλα τρόπῳ τῷ αὐτῷ ποιεῦνται πλοῖα

τὰ μὲν δὴ πλοῖα αὐτοῖσι ἐστὶ τοιαῦτα ἐσθῆτι δὲ τοιῇδε χρέωνται κιθῶνι ποδηνεκέι λινέῳ καὶ ἐπὶ τοῦτον ἄλλον εἰρίνεον κιθῶνα ἐπενδύνει καὶ χλανίδιον λευκὸν περιβαλλόμενος ὑποδήματα ἔχων ἐπιχώρια παραπλήσια τῇσι Βοιωτίῃσι ἐμβάσι κομῶντες δὲ τὰς κεφαλὰς μίτρῃσι ἀναδέονται μεμυρισμένοι πᾶν τὸ σῶμα [ ] σφρηγῖδα δὲ ἕκαστος ἔχει καὶ σκῆπτρον χειροποίητον ἐπ᾽ ἑκάστῳ δὲ σκήπτρῳ ἔπεστι πεποιημένον μῆλον ῥόδον κρίνον αἰετὸς ἄλλο τι ἄνευ γὰρ ἐπισήμου οὔ σφι νόμος ἐστὶ ἔχειν σκῆπτρον

αὕτη μὲν δή σφι ἄρτισις περὶ τὸ σῶμα ἐστί νόμοι δὲ αὐτοῖσι ὧδε κατεστᾶσι μὲν σοφώτατος ὅδε κατὰ γνώμην τὴν ἡμετέρην τῷ καὶ Ἰλλυριῶν Ἐνετοὺς πυνθάνομαι χρᾶσθαι κατὰ κώμας ἑκάστας ἅπαξ τοῦ ἔτεος ἑκάστου ἐποιέετο τάδε ὡς ἂν αἱ παρθένοι γενοίατο γάμων ὡραῖαι ταύτας ὅκως συναγάγοιεν πάσας ἐς ἓν χωρίον ἐσάγεσκον ἁλέας πέριξ δὲ αὐτὰς ἵστατο ὅμιλος ἀνδρῶν [ ] ἀνιστὰς δὲ κατὰ μίαν ἑκάστην κῆρυξ πωλέεσκε πρῶτα μὲν τὴν εὐειδεστάτην ἐκ πασέων μετὰ δέ ὅκως αὕτη εὑροῦσα πολλὸν χρυσίον πρηθείη ἄλλην ἂν ἐκήρυσσε μετ᾽ ἐκείνην ἔσκε εὐειδεστάτη ἐπωλέοντο δὲ ἐπὶ συνοικήσι ὅσοι μὲν δὴ ἔσκον εὐδαίμονες τῶν Βαβυλωνίων ἐπίγαμοι ὑπερβάλλοντες ἀλλήλους ἐξωνέοντο τὰς καλλιστευούσας ὅσοι δὲ τοῦ δήμου ἔσκον ἐπίγαμοι οὗτοι δὲ εἴδεος μὲν οὐδὲν ἐδέοντο χρηστοῦ οἳ δ᾽ ἂν χρήματά τε καὶ αἰσχίονας παρθένους ἐλάμβανον [ ] ὡς γὰρ δὴ διεξέλθοι κῆρυξ πωλέων τὰς εὐειδεστάτας τῶν παρθένων ἀνίστη ἂν τὴν ἀμορφεστάτην εἴ τις αὐτέων ἔμπηρος εἴη καὶ ταύτην ἂν ἐκήρυσσε ὅστις θέλοι ἐλάχιστον χρυσίον λαβὼν συνοικέειν αὐτῇ ἐς τῷ τὸ ἐλάχιστον ὑπισταμένῳ προσέκειτο τὸ δὲ ἂν χρυσίον ἐγίνετο ἀπὸ τῶν εὐειδέων παρθένων καὶ οὕτω αἱ εὔμορφοι τὰς ἀμόρφους καὶ ἐμπήρους ἐξεδίδοσαν ἐκδοῦναι δὲ τὴν ἑωυτοῦ θυγατέρα ὅτεῳ βούλοιτο ἕκαστος οὐκ ἐξῆν οὐδὲ ἄνευ ἐγγυητέω ἀπάγεσθαι τὴν παρθένον πριάμενον ἀλλ᾽ ἐγγυητὰς χρῆν καταστήσαντα μὲν συνοικήσειν αὐτῇ οὕτω ἀπάγεσθαι [ ] εἰ δὲ μὴ συμφεροίατο ἀποφέρειν τὸ χρυσίον ἔκειτο νόμος ἐξῆν δὲ καὶ ἐξ ἄλλης ἐλθόντα κώμης τὸν βουλόμενον ὠνέεσθαι [ ] μέν νυν κάλλιστος νόμος οὗτός σφι ἦν οὐ μέντοι νῦν γε διατελέει ἐών ἄλλο δέ τι ἐξευρήκασι νεωστὶ γενέσθαι ἵνα μὴ ἀδικοῖεν αὐτὰς μηδ᾽ εἰς ἑτέραν πόλιν ἄγωνται ἐπείτε γὰρ ἁλόντες ἐκακώθησαν καὶ οἰκοφθορήθησαν πᾶς τις τοῦ δήμου βίου σπανίζων καταπορνεύει τὰ θήλεα τέκνα

δεύτερος δὲ σοφίῃ ὅδε ἄλλος σφι νόμος κατέστηκε τοὺς κάμνοντας ἐς τὴν ἀγορὴν ἐκφορέουσι οὐ γὰρ δὴ χρέωνται ἰητροῖσι προσιόντες ὦν πρὸς τὸν κάμνοντα συμβουλεύουσι περὶ τῆς νούσου εἴ τις καὶ αὐτὸς τοιοῦτο ἔπαθε ὁκοῖον ἂν ἔχῃ κάμνων ἄλλον εἶδε παθόντα ταῦτα προσιόντες συμβουλεύουσι καὶ παραινέουσι ἅσσα αὐτὸς ποιήσας ἐξέφυγε ὁμοίην νοῦσον ἄλλον εἶδε ἐκφυγόντα σιγῇ δὲ παρεξελθεῖν τὸν κάμνοντα οὔ σφι ἔξεστι πρὶν ἂν ἐπείρηται ἥντινα νοῦσον ἔχει

ταφαὶ δέ σφι ἐν μέλιτι θρῆνοι δὲ παραπλήσιοι τοῖσι ἐν Αἰγύπτῳ ὁσάκις δ᾽ ἂν μιχθῇ γυναικὶ τῇ ἑωυτοῦ ἀνὴρ Βαβυλώνιος περὶ θυμίημα καταγιζόμενον ἵζει ἑτέρωθι δὲ γυνὴ τὠυτὸ τοῦτο ποιέει ὄρθρου δὲ γενομένου λοῦνται καὶ ἀμφότεροι ἄγγεος γὰρ οὐδενὸς ἅψονται πρὶν ἂν λούσωνται ταὐτὰ δὲ ταῦτα καὶ Ἀράβιοι ποιεῦσι

δὲ δὴ αἴσχιστος τῶν νόμων ἐστὶ τοῖσι Βαβυλωνίοισι ὅδε δεῖ πᾶσαν γυναῖκα ἐπιχωρίην ἱζομένην ἐς ἱρὸν Ἀφροδίτης ἅπαξ ἐν τῇ ζόῃ μιχθῆναι ἀνδρὶ ξείνῳ πολλαὶ δὲ καὶ οὐκ ἀξιούμεναι ἀναμίσγεσθαι τῇσι ἄλλῃσι οἷα πλούτῳ ὑπερφρονέουσαι ἐπὶ ζευγέων ἐν καμάρῃσι ἐλάσασαι πρὸς τὸ ἱρὸν ἑστᾶσι θεραπηίη δέ σφι ὄπισθε ἕπεται πολλή [ ] αἱ δὲ πλεῦνες ποιεῦσι ὧδε ἐν τεμένεϊ Ἀφροδίτης κατέαται στέφανον περὶ τῇσι κεφαλῇσι ἔχουσαι θώμιγγος πολλαὶ γυναῖκες αἳ μὲν γὰρ προσέρχονται αἳ δὲ ἀπέρχονται σχοινοτενέες δὲ διέξοδοι πάντα τρόπον ὁδῶν ἔχουσι διὰ τῶν γυναικῶν δι᾽ ὧν οἱ ξεῖνοι διεξιόντες ἐκλέγονται [ ] ἔνθα ἐπεὰν ἵζηται γυνή οὐ πρότερον ἀπαλλάσσεται ἐς τὰ οἰκία τίς οἱ ξείνων ἀργύριον ἐμβαλὼν ἐς τὰ γούνατα μιχθῇ ἔξω τοῦ ἱροῦ ἐμβαλόντα δὲ δεῖ εἰπεῖν τοσόνδε ἐπικαλέω τοι τὴν θεὸν Μύλιττα Μύλιττα δὲ καλέουσι τὴν Ἀφροδίτην Ἀσσύριοι [ ] τὸ δὲ ἀργύριον μέγαθος ἐστὶ ὅσον ὦν οὐ γὰρ μὴ ἀπώσηται οὐ γάρ οἱ θέμις ἐστί γίνεται γὰρ ἱρὸν τοῦτο τὸ ἀργύριον τῷ δὲ πρώτῳ ἐμβαλόντι ἕπεται οὐδὲ ἀποδοκιμᾷ οὐδένα ἐπεὰν δὲ μιχθῇ ἀποσιωσαμένη τῇ θεῷ ἀπαλλάσσεται ἐς τὰ οἰκία καὶ τὠπὸ τούτου οὐκ οὕτω μέγα τί οἱ δώσεις ὥς μιν λάμψεαι [ ] ὅσσαι μέν νυν εἴδεός τε ἐπαμμέναι εἰσὶ καὶ μεγάθεος ταχὺ ἀπαλλάσσονται ὅσαι δὲ ἄμορφοι αὐτέων εἰσί χρόνον πολλὸν προσμένουσι οὐ δυνάμεναι τὸν νόμον ἐκπλῆσαι καὶ γὰρ τριέτεα καὶ τετραέτεα μετεξέτεραι χρόνον μένουσι ἐνιαχῇ δὲ καὶ τῆς Κύπρου ἐστὶ παραπλήσιος τούτῳ νόμος

νόμοι μὲν δὴ τοῖσι Βαβυλωνίοισι οὗτοι κατεστᾶσι εἰσὶ δὲ αὐτῶν πατριαὶ τρεῖς αἳ οὐδὲν ἄλλο σιτέονται εἰ μὴ ἰχθὺς μοῦνον τοὺς ἐπείτε ἂν θηρεύσαντες αὐήνωσι πρὸς ἥλιον ποιεῦσι τάδε ἐσβάλλουσι ἐς ὅλμον καὶ λεήναντες ὑπέροισι σῶσι διὰ σινδόνος καὶ ὃς μὲν ἂν βούληται αὐτῶν ἅτε μᾶζαν μαξάμενος ἔχει δὲ ἄρτου τρόπον ὀπτήσας

ὡς δὲ τῷ Κύρῳ καὶ τοῦτο τὸ ἔθνος κατέργαστο ἐπεθύμησε Μασσαγέτας ὑπ᾽ ἑωυτῷ ποιήσασθαι τὸ δὲ ἔθνος τοῦτο καὶ μέγα λέγεται εἶναι καὶ ἄλκιμον οἰκημένον δὲ πρὸς ἠῶ τε καὶ ἡλίου ἀνατολάς πέρην τοῦ Ἀράξεω ποταμοῦ ἀντίον δὲ Ἰσσηδόνων ἀνδρῶν εἰσὶ δὲ οἵτινες καὶ Σκυθικὸν λέγουσι τοῦτο τὸ ἔθνος εἶναι

δὲ Ἀράξης λέγεται καὶ μέζων καὶ ἐλάσσων εἶναι τοῦ Ἴστρου νήσους δὲ ἐν αὐτῷ Λέσβῳ μεγάθεα παραπλησίας συχνάς φασι εἶναι ἐν δὲ αὐτῇσι ἀνθρώπους οἳ σιτέονται μὲν ῥίζας τὸ θέρος ὀρύσσοντες παντοίας καρποὺς δὲ ἀπὸ δενδρέων ἐξευρημένους σφι ἐς φορβὴν κατατίθεσθαι ὡραίους καὶ τούτους σιτέεσθαι τὴν χειμερινήν [ ] ἄλλα δέ σφι ἐξευρῆσθαι δένδρεα καρποὺς τοιούσδε τινὰς φέροντα τοὺς ἐπείτε ἂν ἐς τὠυτὸ συνέλθωσι κατὰ εἴλας καὶ πῦρ ἀνακαύσωνται κύκλῳ περιιζομένους ἐπιβάλλειν ἐπὶ τὸ πῦρ ὀσφραινομένους δὲ καταγιζομένου τοῦ καρποῦ τοῦ ἐπιβαλλομένου μεθύσκεσθαι τῇ ὀσμῇ κατά περ Ἕλληνας τῷ οἴνῳ πλεῦνος δὲ ἐπιβαλλομένου τοῦ καρποῦ μᾶλλον μεθύσκεσθαι ἐς ἐς ὄρχησίν τε ἀνίστασθαι καὶ ἐς ἀοιδὴν ἀπικνέεσθαι τούτων μὲν αὕτη λέγεται δίαιτᾳ εἶναι [ ] δὲ Ἀράξης ποταμὸς ῥέει μὲν ἐκ Ματιηνῶν ὅθεν περ Γύνδης τὸν ἐς τὰς διώρυχας τὰς ἑξήκοντά τε καὶ τριηκοσίας διέλαβε Κῦρος στόμασι δὲ ἐξερεύγεται τεσσεράκοντα τῶν τὰ πάντα πλὴν ἑνὸς ἐς ἕλεά τε καὶ τενάγεα ἐκδιδοῖ ἐν τοῖσι ἀνθρώπους κατοικῆσθαι λέγουσι ἰχθῦς ὠμοὺς σιτεομένους ἐσθῆτι δὲ νομίζοντας χρᾶσθαι φωκέων δέρμασι [ ] τὸ δὲ ἓν τῶν στομάτων τοῦ Ἀράξεω ῥέει διὰ καθαροῦ ἐς τὴν Κασπίην θάλασσαν

δὲ Κασπίη θάλασσα ἐστὶ ἐπ᾽ ἑωυτῆς οὐ συμμίσγουσα τῇ ἑτέρῃ θαλάσσῃ τὴν μὲν γὰρ Ἕλληνὲς ναυτίλλονται πᾶσα καὶ ἔξω στηλέων θάλασσα Ἀτλαντὶς καλεομένη καὶ Ἐρυθρὴ μία ἐοῦσα τυγχάνει δὲ Κασπίη ἐστὶ ἑτέρη ἐπ᾽ ἑωυτῆς ἐοῦσα μῆκος μὲν πλόου εἰρεσίῃ χρεωμένῳ πεντεκαίδεκα ἡμερέων εὖρος δέ τῇ εὐρυτάτη ἐστὶ αὐτὴ ἑωυτῆς ὀκτὼ ἡμερέων καὶ τὰ μὲν πρὸς τὴν ἑσπέρην φέροντα τῆς θαλάσσης ταύτης Καύκασος παρατείνει ἐὸν ὀρέων καὶ πλήθεϊ μέγιστον καὶ μεγάθεϊ ὑψηλότατον ἔθνεα δὲ ἀνθρώπων πολλὰ καὶ παντοῖα ἐν ἑωυτῷ ἔχει Καύκασος τὰ πολλὰ πάντα ἀπ᾽ ὕλης ἀγρίης ζώοντα [ ] ἐν τοῖσι καὶ δένδρεα φύλλα τοιῆσδε ἰδέης παρεχόμενα εἶναι λέγεται τὰ τρίβοντάς τε καὶ παραμίσγοντας ὕδωρ ζῷα ἑωυτοῖσι ἐς τὴν ἐσθῆτα ἐγγράφειν τὰ δὲ ζῷα οὐκ ἐκπλύνεσθαι ἀλλὰ συγκαταγηράσκειν τῷ ἄλλῳ εἰρίῳ κατὰ περ ἐνυφανθέντα ἀρχήν μῖξιν δὲ τούτων τῶν ἀνθρώπων εἶναι ἐμφανέα κατὰ περ τοῖσι προβάτοισι

τὰ μὲν δὴ πρὸς ἑσπέρην τῆς θαλάσσης ταύτης τῆς Κασπίης καλεομένης Καύκασος ἀπέργει τὰ δὲ πρὸς ἠῶ τε καὶ ἥλιον ἀνατέλλοντα πεδίον ἐκδέκεται πλῆθος ἄπειρον ἐς ἄποψιν τοῦ ὦν δὴ πεδίου τούτου τοῦ μεγάλου οὐκ ἐλαχίστην μοῖραν μετέχουσι οἱ Μασσαγέται ἐπ᾽ οὓς Κῦρος ἔσχε προθυμίην στρατεύσασθαι [ ] πολλά τε γάρ μιν καὶ μεγάλα τὰ ἐπαείροντα καὶ ἐποτρύνοντα ἦν πρῶτον μὲν γένεσις τὸ δοκέειν πλέον τι εἶναι ἀνθρώπου δευτέρα δὲ εὐτυχίη κατὰ τοὺς πολέμους γενομένη ὅκῃ γὰρ ἰθύσειε στρατεύεσθαι Κῦρος ἀμήχανον ἦν ἐκεῖνο τὸ ἔθνος διαφυγεῖν

ἦν δὲ τοῦ ἀνδρὸς ἀποθανόντος γυνὴ τῶν Μασσαγετέων βασίλεια Τόμυρίς οἱ ἦν οὔνομα ταύτην πέμπων Κῦρος ἐμνᾶτο τῷ λόγῳ θέλων γυναῖκα ἣν ἔχειν δὲ Τόμυρις συνιεῖσα οὐκ αὐτήν μιν μνώμενον ἀλλὰ τὴν Μασαγετέων βασιληίην ἀπείπατο τὴν πρόσοδον [ ] Κῦρος δὲ μετὰ τοῦτο ὥς οἱ δόλῳ οὐ προεχώρεε ἐλάσας ἐπὶ τὸν Ἀράξεα ἐποιέετο ἐκ τοῦ ἐμφανέος ἐπὶ τοὺς Μασσαγέτας στρατηίην γεφύρας τε ζευγνύων ἐπὶ τοῦ ποταμοῦ διάβασιν τῷ στρατῷ καὶ πύργους ἐπὶ πλοίων τῶν διαπορθμευόντων τὸν ποταμὸν οἰκοδομεόμενος

ἔχοντι δέ οἱ τοῦτον τὸν πόνον πέμψασα Τόμυρις κήρυκα ἔλεγε τάδε βασιλεῦ Μήδων παῦσαι σπεύδων τὰ σπεύδεις οὐ γὰρ ἂν εἰδείης εἴ τοι ἐς καιρὸν ἔσται ταῦτα τελεόμενα παυσάμενος δὲ βασίλευε τῶν σεωυτοῦ καὶ ἡμέας ἀνέχευ ὁρέων ἄρχοντας τῶν περ ἄρχομεν [ ] οὔκων ἐθελήσεις ὑποθήκῃσι τῇσιδε χρᾶσθαι ἀλλὰ πάντως μᾶλλον δι᾽ ἡσυχίης εἶναι σὺ δὴ εἰ μεγάλως προθυμέαι Μασσαγετέων πειρηθῆναι φέρε μόχθον μὲν τὸν ἔχεις ζευγνὺς τὸν ποταμὸν ἄπες σὺ δὲ ἡμέων ἀναχωρησάντων ἀπὸ τοῦ ποταμοῦ τριῶν ἡμερέων ὁδὸν διάβαινε ἐς τὴν ἡμετέρην [ ] εἰ δ᾽ ἡμέας βούλεαι ἐσδέξασθαι μᾶλλον ἐς τὴν ὑμετέρην σὺ τὠυτὸ τοῦτο ποίεε ταῦτα δὲ ἀκούσας Κῦρος συνεκάλεσε Περσέων τοὺς πρώτους συναγείρας δὲ τούτους ἐς μέσον σφι προετίθεε τὸ πρῆγμα συμβουλευόμενος ὁκότερα ποιέῃ τῶν δὲ κατὰ τὠυτὸ αἱ γνῶμαι συνεξέπιπτον κελευόντων ἐσδέκεσθαι Τόμυρίν τε καὶ τὸν στρατὸν αὐτῆς ἐς τὴν χώρην

παρεὼν δὲ καὶ μεμφόμενος τὴν γνώμην ταύτην Κροῖσος Λυδὸς ἀπεδείκνυτο ἐναντίην τῇ προκειμένῃ γνώμῃ λέγων τάδε βασιλεῦ εἶπον μὲν καὶ πρότερόν τοι ὅτι ἐπεί με Ζεὺς ἔδωκέ τοι τὸ ἂν ὁρῶ σφάλμα ἐὸν οἴκῳ τῷ σῷ κατὰ δύναμιν ἀποτρέψειν τὰ δὲ μοι παθήματα ἐόντα ἀχάριτα μαθήματα γέγονε [ ] εἰ μὲν ἀθάνατος δοκέεις εἶναι καὶ στρατιῆς τοιαύτης ἄρχειν οὐδὲν ἂν εἴη πρῆγμα γνώμας ἐμὲ σοὶ ἀποφαίνεσθαι εἰ δ᾽ ἔγνωκας ὅτι ἄνθρωπος καὶ σὺ εἶς καὶ ἑτέρων τοιῶνδε ἄρχεις ἐκεῖνο πρῶτον μάθε ὡς κύκλος τῶν ἀνθρωπηίων ἐστὶ πρηγμάτων περιφερόμενος δὲ οὐκ ἐᾷ αἰεὶ τοὺς αὐτοὺς εὐτυχέειν [ ] ἤδη ὦν ἔχω γνώμην περὶ τοῦ προκειμένου πρήγματος τὰ ἔμπαλιν οὗτοι εἰ γὰρ ἐθελήσομεν ἐσδέξασθαι τοὺς πολεμίους ἐς τὴν χώρην ὅδε τοι ἐν αὐτῷ κίνδυνος ἔνι ἑσσωθεὶς μὲν προσαπολλύεις πᾶσαν τὴν ἀρχήν δῆλα γὰρ δὴ ὅτι νικῶντες Μασσαγέται οὐ τὸ ὀπίσω φεύξονται ἀλλ᾽ ἐπ᾽ ἀρχὰς τὰς σὰς ἐλῶσι [ ] νικῶν δὲ οὐ νικᾷς τοσοῦτον ὅσον εἰ διαβὰς ἐς τὴν ἐκείνων νικῶν Μασσαγέτας ἕποιο φεύγουσι τὠυτὸ γὰρ ἀντιθήσω ἐκείνῳ ὅτι νικήσας τοὺς ἀντιουμένους ἐλᾷς ἰθὺ τῆς ἀρχῆς τῆς Τομύριος [ ] χωρίς τε τοῦ ἀπηγημένου αἰσχρὸν καὶ οὐκ ἀνασχετὸν Κῦρόν γε τὸν Καμβύσεω γυναικὶ εἴξαντα ὑποχωρῆσαι τῆς χώρης νῦν ὦν μοι δοκέει διαβάντας προελθεῖν ὅσον ἂν ἐκεῖνοι ὑπεξίωσι ἐνθεῦτεν δὲ τάδε ποιεῦντας πειρᾶσθαι ἐκείνων περιγενέσθαι [ ] ὡς γὰρ ἐγὼ πυνθάνομαι Μασσαγέται εἰσὶ ἀγαθῶν τε Περσικῶν ἄπειροι καὶ καλῶν μεγάλων ἀπαθέες τούτοισι ὦν τοῖσι ἀνδράσι τῶν προβάτων ἀφειδέως πολλὰ κατακόψαντας καὶ σκευάσαντας προθεῖναι ἐν τῷ στρατοπέδῳ τῷ ἡμετέρῳ δαῖτα πρὸς δὲ καὶ κρητῆρας ἀφειδέως οἴνου ἀκρήτου καὶ σιτία παντοῖα [ ] ποιήσαντας δὲ ταῦτα ὑπολιπομένους τῆς στρατιῆς τὸ φλαυρότατον τοὺς λοιποὺς αὖτις ἐξαναχωρέειν ἐπὶ τὸν ποταμόν ἢν γὰρ ἐγὼ γνώμης μὴ ἁμάρτω κεῖνοι ἰδόμενοι ἀγαθὰ πολλὰ τρέψονταί τε πρὸς αὐτὰ καὶ ἡμῖν τὸ ἐνθεῦτεν λείπεται ἀπόδεξις ἔργων μεγάλων

γνῶμαι μὲν αὗται συνέστασαν Κῦρος δὲ μετεὶς τὴν προτέρην γνώμην τὴν Κροίσου δὲ ἑλόμενος προηγόρευε Τομύρι ἐξαναχωρέειν ὡς αὐτοῦ διαβησομένου ἐπ᾽ ἐκείνην μὲν δὴ ἐξανεχώρεε κατὰ ὑπέσχετο πρῶτα Κῦρος δὲ Κροῖσον ἐς τὰς χεῖρας ἐσθεὶς τῷ ἑωυτοῦ παιδὶ Καμβύσῃ τῷ περ τὴν βασιληίην ἐδίδου καὶ πολλὰ ἐντειλάμενὸς οἱ τιμᾶν τε αὐτὸν καὶ εὖ ποιέειν ἢν διάβασις ἐπὶ Μασσαγέτας μὴ ὀρθωθῇ ταῦτα ἐντειλάμενος καὶ ἀποστείλας τούτους ἐς Πέρσας αὐτὸς διέβαινε τὸν ποταμὸν καὶ στρατὸς αὐτοῦ

ἐπείτε δὲ ἐπεραιώθη τὸν Ἀράξεα νυκτὸς ἐπελθούσης εἶδε ὄψιν εὕδων ἐν τῶν Μασσαγετέων τῇ χωρῇ τοιήνδε ἐδόκεε Κῦρος ἐν τῷ ὕπνῳ ὁρᾶν τῶν Ὑστάσπεος παίδων τὸν πρεσβύτατον ἔχοντα ἐπὶ τῶν ὤμων πτέρυγας καὶ τουτέων τῇ μὲν τὴν Ἀσίην τῇ δὲ τὴν Εὐρώπην ἐπισκιάζειν [ ] Ὑστάσπεϊ δὲ τῷ Ἀρσάμεος ἐόντι ἀνδρὶ Ἀχαιμενίδῃ ἦν τῶν παίδων Δαρεῖος πρεσβύτατος ἐὼν τότε ἡλικίην ἐς εἴκοσί κου μάλιστα ἔτεα καὶ οὗτος κατελέλειπτο ἐν Πέρσῃσι οὐ γὰρ εἶχέ κω ἡλικίην στρατεύεσθαι [ ] ἐπεὶ ὦν δὴ ἐξηγέρθη Κῦρος ἐδίδου λόγον ἑωυτῷ περὶ τῆς ὄψιος ὡς δέ οἱ ἐδόκεε μεγάλη εἶναι ὄψις καλέσας Ὑστάσπεα καὶ ἀπολαβὼν μοῦνον εἶπε Ὕστασπες παῖς σὸς ἐπιβουλεύων ἐμοί τε καὶ τῇ ἐμῇ ἀρχῇ ἑάλωκε ὡς δὲ ταῦτα ἀτρεκέως οἶδα ἐγὼ σημανέω [ ] ἐμεῦ θεοὶ κήδονται καί μοι πάντα προδεικνύουσι τὰ ἐπιφερόμενα ἤδη ὦν ἐν τῇ παροιχομένῃ νυκτὶ εὕδων εἶδον τῶν σῶν παίδων τὸν πρεσβύτατον ἔχοντα ἐπὶ τῶν ὤμων πτέρυγας καὶ τουτέων τῇ μὲν τὴν Ἀσίην τῇ δὲ τὴν Εὐρώπην ἐπισκιάζειν [ ] οὔκων ἐστὶ μηχανὴ ἀπὸ τῆς ὄψιος ταύτης οὐδεμία τὸ μὴ ἐκεῖνον ἐπιβουλεύειν ἐμοί σύ νυν τὴν ταχίστην πορεύεο ὀπίσω ἐς Πέρσας καὶ ποίεε ὅκως ἐπεὰν ἐγὼ τάδε καταστρεψάμενος ἔλθω ἐκεῖ ὥς μοι καταστήσεις τὸν παῖδα ἐς ἔλεγχον

Κῦρος μὲν δοκέων οἱ Δαρεῖον ἐπιβουλεύειν ἔλεγε τάδε τῷ δὲ δαίμων προέφαινε ὡς αὐτὸς μὲν τελευτήσειν αὐτοῦ ταύτῃ μέλλοι δὲ βασιληίη αὐτοῦ περιχωρέοι ἐς Δαρεῖον [ ] ἀμείβεται δὴ ὦν Ὑστάσπης τοῖσιδε βασιλεῦ μὴ εἴη ἀνὴρ Πέρσης γεγονὼς ὅστις τοὶ ἐπιβουλεύσειε εἰ δ᾽ ἐστί ἀπόλοιτο ὡς τάχιστα ὃς ἀντὶ μὲν δούλων ἐποίησας ἐλευθέρους Πέρσας εἶναι ἀντὶ δὲ ἄρχεσθαι ὑπ᾽ ἄλλων ἄρχειν ἁπάντων [ ] εἰ δέ τις τοὶ ὄψις ἀπαγγέλλει παῖδα τὸν ἐμὸν νεώτερα βουλεύειν περὶ σέο ἐγώ τοι παραδίδωμι χρᾶσθαι αὐτῷ τοῦτο τι σὺ βούλεαι

Ὑστάσπης μὲν τούτοισι ἀμειψάμενος καὶ διαβὰς τὸν Ἀράξεα ἤιε ἐς Πέρσας φυλάξων Κύρῳ τὸν παῖδα Δαρεῖον Κῦρος δὲ προελθὼν ἀπὸ τοῦ Ἀράξεω ἡμέρης ὁδὸν ἐποίεε κατὰ τὰς Κροίσου ὑποθήκας [ ] μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα Κύρου τε καὶ Περσέων τοῦ καθαροῦ στρατοῦ ἀπελάσαντος ὀπίσω ἐπὶ τὸν Ἀράξεα λειφθέντος δὲ τοῦ ἀχρηίου ἐπελθοῦσα τῶν Μασσαγετέων τριτημορὶς τοῦ στρατοῦ τούς τε λειφθέντας τῆς Κύρου στρατιῆς ἐφόνευε ἀλεξομένους καὶ τὴν προκειμένην ἰδόντες δαῖτα ὡς ἐχειρώσαντο τοὺς ἐναντίους κλιθέντες ἐδαίνυντο πληρωθέντες δὲ φορβῆς καὶ οἴνου ηὗδον [ ] οἱ δὲ Πέρσαι ἐπελθόντες πολλοὺς μὲν σφέων ἐφόνευσαν πολλῷ δ᾽ ἔτι πλεῦνας ἐζώγρησαν καὶ ἄλλους καὶ τὸν τῆς βασιλείης Τομύριος παῖδα στρατηγέοντα Μασσαγετέων τῷ οὔνομα ἦν Σπαργαπίσης

δὲ πυθομένη τά τε περὶ τὴν στρατιὴν γεγονότα καὶ τὰ περὶ τὸν παῖδα πέμπουσα κήρυκα παρὰ Κῦρον ἔλεγε τάδε [ ] ἄπληστε αἵματος Κῦρε μηδὲν ἐπαερθῇς τῷ γεγονότι τῷδε πρήγματι εἰ ἀμπελίνῳ καρπῷ τῷ περ αὐτοὶ ἐμπιπλάμενοι μαίνεσθε οὕτω ὥστε κατιόντος τοῦ οἴνου ἐς τὸ σῶμα ἐπαναπλέειν ὑμῖν ἔπεα κακά τοιούτῳ φαρμάκῳ δολώσας ἐκράτησας παιδὸς τοῦ ἐμοῦ ἀλλ᾽ οὐ μάχῃ κατὰ τὸ καρτερόν [ ] νῦν ὦν μευ εὖ παραινεούσης ὑπόλαβε τὸν λόγον ἀποδούς μοι τὸν παῖδα ἄπιθι ἐκ τῆσδε τῆς χώρης ἀζήμιος Μασσαγετέων τριτημορίδι τοῦ στρατοῦ κατυβρίσας εἰ δὲ ταῦτα οὐ ποιήσεις ἥλιον ἐπόμνυμί τοι τὸν Μασσαγετέων δεσπότην μέν σε ἐγὼ καὶ ἄπληστον ἐόντα αἵματος κορέσω

Κῦρος μὲν ἐπέων οὐδένα τούτων ἀνενειχθέντων ἐποιέετο λόγον δὲ τῆς βασιλείης Τομύριος παῖς Σπαργαπίσης ὥς μιν τε οἶνος ἀνῆκε καὶ ἔμαθε ἵνα ἦν κακοῦ δεηθεὶς Κύρου ἐκ τῶν δεσμῶν λυθῆναι ἔτυχε ὡς δὲ ἐλύθη τε τάχιστα καὶ τῶν χειρῶν ἐκράτησε διεργάζεται ἑωυτόν

καὶ δὴ οὗτος μὲν τρόπῳ τοιούτῳ τελευτᾷ Τόμυρις δέ ὥς οἱ Κῦρος οὐκ ἐσήκουσε συλλέξασα πᾶσαν τὴν ἑωυτῆς δύναμιν συνέβαλε Κύρῳ ταύτην τὴν μάχην ὅσαι δὴ βαρβάρων ἀνδρῶν μάχαι ἐγένοντο κρίνω ἰσχυροτάτην γενέσθαι καὶ δὴ καὶ πυνθάνομαι οὕτω τοῦτο γενόμενον [ ] πρῶτα μὲν γὰρ λέγεται αὐτοὺς διαστάντας ἐς ἀλλήλους τοξεύειν μετὰ δὲ ὥς σφι τὰ βέλεα ἐξετετόξευτο συμπεσόντας τῇσι αἰχμῇσί τε καὶ τοῖσι ἐγχειριδίοισι συνέχεσθαι χρόνον τε δὴ ἐπὶ πολλὸν συνεστάναι μαχομένους καὶ οὐδετέρους ἐθέλειν φεύγειν τέλος δὲ οἱ Μασσαγέται περιεγένοντο [ ] τε δὴ πολλὴ τῆς Περσικῆς στρατιῆς αὐτοῦ ταύτῃ διεφθάρη καὶ δὴ καὶ αὐτὸς Κῦρος τελευτᾷ βασιλεύσας τὰ πάντα ἑνὸς δέοντα τριήκοντα ἔτεα [ ] ἀσκὸν δὲ πλήσασα αἵματος ἀνθρωπηίου Τόμυρις ἐδίζητο ἐν τοῖσι τεθνεῶσι τῶν Περσέων τὸν Κύρου νέκυν ὡς δὲ εὗρε ἐναπῆκε αὐτοῦ τὴν κεφαλὴν ἐς τὸν ἀσκόν λυμαινομένη δὲ τῷ νεκρῷ ἐπέλεγε τάδε [ ] σὺ μὲν ἐμὲ ζῶσάν τε καὶ νικῶσάν σε μάχῃ ἀπώλεσας παῖδα τὸν ἐμὸν ἑλὼν δόλῳ σὲ δ᾽ ἐγώ κατά περ ἠπείλησα αἵματος κορέσω τὰ μὲν δὴ κατὰ τὴν Κύρου τελευτὴν τοῦ βίου πολλῶν λόγων λεγομένων ὅδε μοι πιθανώτατος εἴρηται

Μασσαγέται δὲ ἐσθῆτά τε ὁμοίην τῇ Σκυθικῇ φορέουσι καὶ δίαιταν ἔχουσι ἱππόται δὲ εἰσὶ καὶ ἄνιπποι ἀμφοτέρων γὰρ μετέχουσι καὶ τοξόται τε καὶ αἰχμοφόροι σαγάρις νομίζοντες ἔχειν χρυσῷ δὲ καὶ χαλκῷ τὰ πάντα χρέωνται ὅσα μὲν γὰρ ἐς αἰχμὰς καὶ ἄρδις καὶ σαγάρις χαλκῷ τὰ πάντα χρέωνται ὅσα δὲ περὶ κεφαλὴν καὶ ζωστῆρας καὶ μασχαλιστῆρας χρυσῷ κοσμέονται [ ] ὣς δ᾽ αὕτως τῶν ἵππων τὰ μὲν περὶ τὰ στέρνα χαλκέους θώρηκας περιβάλλουσι τὰ δὲ περὶ τοὺς χαλινοὺς καὶ στόμια καὶ φάλαρα χρυσῷ σιδήρῳ δὲ οὐδ᾽ ἀργύρῳ χρέωνται οὐδέν οὐδὲ γὰρ οὐδέ σφι ἐστὶ ἐν τῇ χωρῇ δὲ χρυσὸς καὶ χαλκὸς ἄπλετος

νόμοισι δὲ χρέωνται τοιοῖσιδε γυναῖκα μὲν γαμέει ἕκαστος ταύτῃσι δὲ ἐπίκοινα χρέωνται τὸ γὰρ Σκύθας φασὶ Ἕλληνες ποιέειν οὐ Σκύθαι εἰσὶ οἱ ποιέοντες ἀλλὰ Μασσαγέται τῆς γὰρ ἐπιθυμήσῃ γυναικὸς Μασσαγέτης ἀνήρ τὸν φαρετρεῶνα ἀποκρεμάσας πρὸ τῆς ἁμάξης μίσγεται ἀδεῶς [ ] οὖρος δὲ ἡλικίης σφι πρόκειται ἄλλος μὲν οὐδείς ἐπεὰν δὲ γέρων γένηται κάρτα οἱ προσήκοντές οἱ πάντες συνελθόντες θύουσί μιν καὶ ἄλλα πρόβατα ἅμα αὐτῷ ἑψήσαντες δὲ τὰ κρέα κατευωχέονται [ ] ταῦτα μὲν τὰ ὀλβιώτατά σφι νενόμισται τὸν δὲ νούσῳ τελευτήσαντα οὐ κατασιτέονται ἀλλ᾽ γῇ κρύπτουσι συμφορὴν ποιεύμενοι ὅτι οὐκ ἵκετο ἐς τὸ τυθῆναι σπείρουσι δὲ οὐδέν ἀλλ᾽ ἀπὸ κτηνέων ζώουσι καὶ ἰχθύων οἳ δὲ ἄφθονοί σφι ἐκ τοῦ Ἀράξεω ποταμοῦ παραγίνονται [ ] γαλακτοπόται δ᾽ εἰσί θεῶν δὲ μοῦνον ἥλιον σέβονται τῷ θύουσι ἵππους νόος δὲ οὗτος τῆς θυσίης τῶν θεῶν τῷ ταχίστῳ πάντων τῶν θνητῶν τὸ τάχιστον δατέονται

The Rise and Fall of Cyrus the Great (Book I, Sections 95–216)

95, and after this our history proceeds to inquire about Cyrus, who he

was that destroyed the empire of Croesus, and about the Persians, in

what manner they obtained the lead of Asia. Following then the report

of some of the Persians,—those I mean who do not desire to glorify the

history of Cyrus but to speak that which is in fact true,—according to

their report, I say, I shall write; but I could set forth also the other

forms of the story in three several ways.

The Assyrians ruled Upper Asia 110 for five hundred and twenty years,

and from them the Medes were the first who made revolt. These having

fought for their freedom with the Assyrians proved themselves good men,

and thus they pushed off the yoke of slavery from themselves and were

set free; and after them the other nations also did the same as the

Medes: and when all on the continent were thus independent, they ed

again to despotic rule as follows:—

96. There appeared among the Medes a man of great ability whose name

was Deïokes, and this man was the son of Phraortes. This Deïokes, having

formed a desire for despotic power, did thus:—whereas the Medes dwelt

in separate villages, he, being even before that time of great repute in

his own village, set himself to practise just dealing much more and

with greater zeal than before; and this he did although there was much

lawlessness throughout the whole of Media, and although he knew that

injustice is ever at feud with justice. And the Medes of the same

village, seeing his manners, chose him for their judge. So he, since

he was aiming at power, was upright and just, and doing thus he had no

little praise from his fellow-citizens, insomuch that those of the other

villages learning that Deïokes was a man who more than all others gave

decision rightly, whereas before this they had been wont to suffer from

unjust judgments, themselves also when they heard it came gladly to

Deïokes to have their causes determined, and at last they trusted the

business to no one else.

97. Then, as more and more continually kept coming to him, because men

learnt that his decisions proved to be according to the truth, Deïokes

perceiving that everything was referred to himself would no longer

sit in the place where he used formerly to sit in public to determine

causes, and said that he would determine causes no more, for it was not

profitable for him to neglect his own affairs and to determine causes

for his neighbours all through the day. So then, since robbery and

lawlessness prevailed even much more in the villages than they did

before, the Medes having assembled together in one place considered with

one another and spoke about the state in which they were: and I suppose

the friends of Deïokes spoke much to this effect: "Seeing that we are

not able to dwell in the land under the present order of things, let

us set up a king from among ourselves, and thus the land will be well

governed and we ourselves shall turn to labour, and shall not be ruined

by lawlessness." By some such words as these they persuaded themselves

to have a king.

98. And when they straightway proposed the question whom they should set

up to be king, Deïokes was much put forward and commended by every one,

until at last they agreed that he should be their king. And he bade them

build for him a palace worthy of the royal dignity and strengthen him

with a guard of spearmen. And the Medes did so: for they built him a

large and strong palace in that part of the land which he told them, and

they allowed him to select spearmen from all the Medes. And when he

had obtained the rule over them, he compelled the Medes to make one

fortified city and pay chief attention to this, having less regard to

the other cities. And as the Medes obeyed him in this also, he built

large and strong walls, those which are now called Agbatana, standing

in circles one within the other. And this wall is so contrived that one

circle is higher than the next by the height of the battlements alone.

And to some extent, I suppose, the nature of the ground, seeing that it

is on a hill, assists towards this end; but much more was it produced

by art, since the circles are in all seven in number. 111 And within the

last circle are the royal palace and the treasure-houses. The largest

of these walls is in size about equal to the circuit of the wall round

Athens; and of the first circle the battlements are white, of the second

black, of the third crimson, of the fourth blue, of the fifth red: thus

are the battlements of all the circles coloured with various tints, and

the two last have their battlements one of them overlaid with silver and

the other with gold.

99. These walls then Deïokes built for himself and round his own palace,

and the people he commanded to dwell round about the wall. And after

all was built, Deïokes established the rule, which he was the first to

establish, ordaining that none should enter into the presence of the

king, but that they deal with him always through messengers; and that

the king should be seen by no one; and moreover that to laugh or to spit

in presence is unseemly, and this last for every one without exception.

112 Now he surrounded himself with this state 113 to the end that his

fellows, who had been brought up with him and were of no meaner family

nor behind him in manly virtue, might not be grieved by seeing him

and make plots against him, but that being unseen by them he might be

thought to be of different mould.

100. Having set these things in order and strengthened himself in his

despotism, he was severe in preserving justice; and the people used

to write down their causes and send them in to his presence, and he

determined the questions which were brought in to him and sent them out

again. Thus he used to do about the judgment of causes; and he also took

order for this, that is to say, if he heard that any one was behaving in

an unruly manner, he sent for him and punished him according as each act

of wrong deserved, and he had watchers and listeners about all the land

over which he ruled.

101. Deïokes then united the Median race alone, and was ruler of this:

and of the Medes there are the tribes which here follow, namely, Busai,

Paretakenians, Struchates, Arizantians, Budians, Magians: the tribes of

the Medes are so many in number.

102. Now the son of Deïokes was Phraortes, who when Deïokes was dead,

having been king for three-and-fifty years, received the power in

succession; and having received it he was not satisfied to be ruler of

the Medes alone, but marched upon the Persians; and attacking them first

before others, he made these first subject to the Medes. After this,

being ruler of these two nations and both of them strong, he proceeded

to subdue Asia going from one nation to another, until at last he

marched against the Assyrians, those Assyrians I mean who dwelt at

Nineveh, and who formerly had been rulers of the whole, but at that time

they were left without support their allies having revolted from them,

though at home they were prosperous enough. 114 Phraortes marched, I

say, against these, and was both himself slain, after he had reigned

two-and-twenty years, and the greater part of his army was destroyed.

103. When Phraortes had brought his life to an end, Kyaxares the son of

Phraortes, the son of Deïokes, received the power. This king is said

to have been yet much more warlike than his forefathers; and he first

banded the men of Asia into separate divisions, that is to say, he first

arrayed apart from one another the spearmen and the archers and the

horsemen, for before that time they were all mingled together without

distinction. This was he who fought with the Lydians when the day became

night as they fought, and who also united under his rule the whole of

Asia above the river Halys. 115 And having gathered together all his

subjects he marched upon Nineveh to avenge his father, and also because

he desired to conquer that city. And when he had fought a battle with

the Assyrians and had defeated them, while he was sitting down before

Nineveh there came upon him a great army of Scythians, 116 and the

leader of them was Madyas the son of Protohyas, king of the Scythians.

These had invaded Asia after driving the Kimmerians out of Europe, and

in pursuit of them as they fled they had come to the land of Media.

104. Now from the Maiotian lake to the river Phasis and to the land of

the Colchians is a journey of thirty days for one without encumbrance;

117 and from Colchis it is not far to pass over to Media, for there

is only one nation between them, the Saspeirians, and passing by this

nation you are in Media. However the Scythians did not make their

invasion by this way, but turned aside from it to go by the upper road

118 which is much longer, keeping Mount Caucasus on their right hand.

Then the Medes fought with the Scythians, and having been worsted in the

battle they lost their power, and the Scythians obtained rule over all

Asia.

105. Thence they went on to invade Egypt; and when they were in Syria

which is called Palestine, Psammetichos king of Egypt met them; and by

gifts and entreaties he turned them from their purpose, so that they

should not advance any further: and as they retreated, when they came

to the city of Ascalon in Syria, most of the Scythians passed through

without doing any damage, but a few of them who had stayed behind

plundered the temple of Aphrodite Urania. Now this temple, as I find

by inquiry, is the most ancient of all the temples which belong to this

goddess; for the temple in Cyprus was founded from this, as the people

of Cyprus themselves report, and it was the Phenicians who founded the

temple in Kythera, coming from this land of Syria. So these Scythians

who had plundered the temple at Ascalon, and their descendants for ever,

were smitten by the divinity 119 with a disease which made them women

instead of men: and the Scythians say that it was for this reason

that they were diseased, and that for this reason travellers who visit

Scythia now, see among them the affection of those who by the Scythians

are called Enareës.

106. For eight-and-twenty years then the Scythians were rulers of Asia,

and by their unruliness and reckless behaviour everything was ruined;

for on the one hand they exacted that in tribute from each people which

they laid upon them, 120 and apart from the tribute they rode about and

carried off by force the possessions of each tribe. Then Kyaxares with

the Medes, having invited the greater number of them to a banquet, made

them drunk and slew them; and thus the Medes recovered their power,

and had rule over the same nations as before; and they also took

Nineveh,—the manner how it was taken I shall set forth in another

history, 121—and made the Assyrians subject to them excepting only the

land of Babylon.

107. After this Kyaxares died, having reigned forty years including

those years during which the Scythians had rule, and Astyages son of

Kyaxares received from him the kingdom. To him was born a daughter whom

he named Mandane; and in his sleep it seemed to him that there passed

from her so much water as to fill his city and also to flood the whole

of Asia. This dream he delivered over 122 to the Magian interpreters of

dreams, and when he heard from them the truth at each point he became

afraid. And afterwards when this Mandane was of an age to have a

husband, he did not give her in marriage to any one of the Medes who

were his peers, because he feared the vision; but he gave her to a

Persian named Cambyses, whom he found to be of a good descent and of a

quiet disposition, counting him to be in station much below a Mede of

middle rank.

108. And when Mandane was married to Cambyses, in the first year

Astyages saw another vision. It seemed to him that from the womb of this

daughter a vine grew, and this vine overspread the whole of Asia. Having

seen this vision and delivered it to the interpreters of dreams, he sent

for his daughter, being then with child, to come from the land of the

Persians. And when she had come he kept watch over her, desiring to

destroy that which should be born of her; for the Magian interpreters

of dreams signified to him that the offspring of his daughter should

be king in his room. Astyages then desiring to guard against this, when

Cyrus was born, called Harpagos, a man who was of kin near him and whom

he trusted above all the other Medes, and had made him manager of all

his affairs; and to him he said as follows: "Neglect not by any means,

Harpagos, the matter which I shall lay upon thee to do, and beware lest

thou set me aside, 123 and choosing the advantage of others instead,

bring thyself afterwards to destruction. Take the child which Mandane

bore, and carry it to thy house and slay it; and afterwards bury it in

whatsoever manner thou thyself desirest." To this he made answer: "O

king, never yet in any past time didst thou discern in me an offence

against thee, and I keep watch over myself also with a view to the time

that comes after, that I may not commit any error towards thee. If it

is indeed thy pleasure that this should so be done, my service at least

must be fitly rendered."

109. Thus he made answer, and when the child had been delivered to him

adorned as for death, Harpagos went weeping to his wife all the words

which had been spoken by Astyages. And she said to him: "Now, therefore,

what is it in thy mind to do?" and he made answer: "Not according as

Astyages enjoined: for not even if he shall come to be yet more out

of his senses and more mad than he now is, will I agree to his will or

serve him in such a murder as this. And for many reasons I will not slay

the child; first because he is a kin to me, and then because Astyages is

old and without male issue, and if after he is dead the power shall come

through me, does not the greatest of dangers then await me? To secure

me, this child must die; but one of the servants of Astyages must be the

slayer of it, and not one of mine."

110. Thus he spoke, and straightway sent a messenger to that one of the

herdsmen of Astyages who he knew fed his herds on the pastures which

were most suitable for his purpose, and on the mountains most haunted by

wild beasts. The name of this man was Mitradates, and he was married to

one who was his fellow-slave; and the name of the woman to whom he was

married was Kyno in the tongue of the Hellenes and in the Median tongue

Spaco, for what the Hellenes call kyna (bitch) the Medes call spaca.

Now, it was on the skirts of the mountains that this herdsman had his

cattle-pastures, from Agbatana towards the North Wind and towards the

Euxine Sea. For here in the direction of the Saspeirians the Median land

is very mountainous and lofty and thickly covered with forests; but

the rest of the land of Media is all level plain. So when this herdsman

came, being summoned with much urgency, Harpagos said these words:

"Astyages bids thee take this child and place it on the most desolate

part of the mountains, so that it may perish as quickly as possible.

And he bade me to say that if thou do not kill it, but in any way shalt

preserve it from death, he will slay thee by the most evil kind of

destruction: 124 and I have been appointed to see that the child is laid

forth."

111. Having heard this and having taken up the child, the herdsman went

back by the way he came, and arrived at his dwelling. And his wife also,

as it seems, having been every day on the point of bearing a child, by

a providential chance brought her child to birth just at that time, when

the herdsman was gone to the city. And both were in anxiety, each for

the other, the man having fear about the child-bearing of his wife, and

the woman about the cause why Harpagos had sent to summon her husband,

not having been wont to do so aforetime. So as soon as he ed and stood

before her, the woman seeing him again beyond her hopes was the first

to speak, and asked him for what purpose Harpagos had sent for him so

urgently. And he said: "Wife, when I came to the city I saw and heard

that which I would I had not seen, and which I should wish had never

chanced to those whom we serve. For the house of Harpagos was all full

of mourning, and I being astonished thereat went within: and as soon as

I entered I saw laid out to view an infant child gasping for breath

and screaming, which was adorned with gold ornaments and embroidered

clothing: and when Harpagos saw me he bade me forthwith to take up the

child and carry it away and lay it on that part of the mountains which

is most haunted by wild beasts, saying that it was Astyages who laid

this task upon me, and using to me many threats, if I should fail to do

this. And I took it up and bore it away, supposing that it was the

child of some one of the servants of the house, for never could I have

supposed whence it really was; but I marvelled to see it adorned with

gold and raiment, and I marvelled also because mourning was made for it

openly in the house of Harpagos. And straightway as we went by the road,

I learnt the whole of the matter from the servant who went with me out

of the city and placed in my hands the babe, namely that it was in truth

the son of Mandane the daughter of Astyages, and of Cambyses the son of

Cyrus, and that Astyages bade slay it. And now here it is."

112. And as he said this the herdsman uncovered it and showed it to

her. And she, seeing that the child was large and of fair form, wept and

clung to the knees of her husband, beseeching him by no means to lay it

forth. But he said that he could not do otherwise than so, for watchers

would come backwards and forwards sent by Harpagos to see that this was

done, and he would perish by a miserable death if he should fail to do

this. And as she could not after all persuade her husband, the wife next

said as follows: "Since then I am unable to persuade thee not to lay it

forth, do thou this which I shall tell thee, if indeed it needs must be

seen laid forth. I also have borne a child, but I have borne it dead.

Take this and expose it, and let us rear the child of the daughter of

Astyages as if it were our own. Thus thou wilt not be found out doing

a wrong to those whom we serve, nor shall we have taken ill counsel

for ourselves; for the dead child will obtain a royal burial and the

surviving one will not lose his life."

113. To the herdsman it seemed that, the case standing thus, his wife

spoke well, and forthwith he did so. The child which he was bearing

to put to death, this he delivered to his wife, and his own, which was

dead, he took and placed in the chest in which he had been bearing the

other; and having adorned it with all the adornment of the other child,

he bore it to the most desolate part of the mountains and placed it

there. And when the third day came after the child had been laid forth,

the herdsman went to the city, leaving one of his under-herdsmen to

watch there, and when he came to the house of Harpagos he said that he

was ready to display the dead body of the child; and Harpagos sent the

most trusted of his spearmen, and through them he saw and buried the

herdsman's child. This then had had burial, but him who was afterwards

called Cyrus the wife of the herdsman had received, and was bringing him

up, giving him no doubt some other name, not Cyrus.

114. And when the boy was ten years old, it happened with regard to him

as follows, and this made him known. He was playing in the village in

which were stalls for oxen, he was playing there, I say, with other boys

of his age in the road. And the boys in their play chose as their king

this one who was called the son of the herdsman: and he set some of them

to build palaces and others to be spearmen of his guard, and one of them

no doubt he appointed to be the eye of the king, and to one he gave the

office of bearing the messages, 12401 appointing a work for each one

severally. Now one of these boys who was playing with the rest, the son

of Artembares a man of repute among the Medes, did not do that which

Cyrus appointed him to do; therefore Cyrus bade the other boys seize him

hand and foot, 125 and when they obeyed his command he dealt with the

boy very roughly, scourging him. But he, so soon as he was let go, being

made much more angry because he considered that he had been treated with

indignity, went down to the city and complained to his father of the

treatment which he had met with from Cyrus, calling him not Cyrus, for

this was not yet his name, but the son of the herdsman of Astyages. And

Artembares in the anger of the moment went at once to Astyages, taking

the boy with him, and he declared that he had suffered things that were

unfitting and said: "O king, by thy slave, the son of a herdsman, we

have been thus outraged," showing him the shoulders of his son.

115. And Astyages having heard and seen this, wishing to punish the boy

to avenge the honour of Artembares, sent for both the herdsman and his

son. And when both were present, Astyages looked at Cyrus and said:

"Didst thou dare, being the son of so mean a father as this, to treat

with such unseemly insult the son of this man who is first in my

favour?" And he replied thus: "Master, I did so to him with right. For

the boys of the village, of whom he also was one, in their play set me

up as king over them, for I appeared to them most fitted for this place.

Now the other boys did what I commanded them, but this one disobeyed

and paid no regard, until at last he received the punishment due. If

therefore for this I am worthy to suffer any evil, here I stand before

thee."

116. While the boy thus spoke, there came upon Astyages a sense of

recognition of him and the lineaments of his face seemed to him to

resemble his own, and his answer appeared to be somewhat over free for

his station, while the time of the laying forth seemed to agree with the

age of the boy. Being struck with amazement by these things, for a

time he was speechless; and having at length with difficulty recovered

himself, he said, desiring to dismiss Artembares, in order that he might

get the herdsman by himself alone and examine him: "Artembares, I will

so order these things that thou and thy son shall have no cause to

find fault"; and so he dismissed Artembares, and the servants upon the

command of Astyages led Cyrus within. And when the herdsman was left

alone with the king, Astyages being alone with him asked whence he had

received the boy, and who it was who had delivered the boy to him.

And the herdsman said that he was his own son, and that the mother was

living with him still as his wife. But Astyages said that he was not

well advised in desiring to be brought to extreme necessity, and as he

said this he made a sign to the spearmen of his guard to seize him. So

he, as he was being led away to the torture, 126 then declared the story

as it really was; and beginning from the beginning he went through the

whole, telling the truth about it, and finally ended with entreaties,

asking that he would grant him pardon.

117. So when the herdsman had made known the truth, Astyages now cared

less about him, but with Harpagos he was very greatly displeased and

bade his spearmen summon him. And when Harpagos came, Astyages asked

him thus: "By what death, Harpagos, didst thou destroy the child whom I

delivered to thee, born of my daughter?" and Harpagos, seeing that

the herdsman was in the king's palace, turned not to any false way of

speech, lest he should be convicted and found out, but said as follows:

"O king, so soon as I received the child, I took counsel and considered

how I should do according to thy mind, and how without offence to thy

command I might not be guilty of murder against thy daughter and against

thyself. I did therefore thus:—I called this herdsman and delivered the

child to him, saying first that thou wert he who bade him slay it—and in

this at least I did not lie, for thou didst so command. I delivered it,

I say, to this man commanding him to place it upon a desolate mountain,

and to stay by it and watch it until it should die, threatening him with

all kinds of punishment if he should fail to accomplish this. And when

he had done that which was ordered and the child was dead, I sent the

most trusted of my eunuchs and through them I saw and buried the child.

Thus, O king, it happened about this matter, and the child had this

death which I say."

118. So Harpagos declared the truth, and Astyages concealed the anger

which he kept against him for that which had come to pass, and first he

related the matter over again to Harpagos according as he had been told

it by the herdsman, and afterwards, when it had been thus repeated by

him, he ended by saying that the child was alive and that that which had

come to pass was well, "for," continued he, "I was greatly troubled by

that which had been done to this child, and I thought it no light thing

that I had been made at variance with my daughter. Therefore consider

that this is a happy change of fortune, and first send thy son to be

with the boy who is newly come, and then, seeing that I intend to make a

sacrifice of thanksgiving for the preservation of the boy to those gods

to whom that honour belongs, be here thyself to dine with me."

119. When Harpagos heard this, he did reverence and thought it a great

matter that his offence had turned out for his profit and moreover that

he had been invited to dinner with happy augury; 127 and so he went to

his house. And having entered it straightway, he sent forth his son, for

he had one only son of about thirteen years old, bidding him go to the

palace of Astyages and do whatsoever the king should command; and he

himself being overjoyed told his wife that which had befallen him. But

Astyages, when the son of Harpagos arrived, cut his throat and divided

him limb from limb, and having roasted some pieces of the flesh and

boiled others he caused them to be dressed for eating and kept them

ready. And when the time arrived for dinner and the other guests were

present and also Harpagos, then before the other guests and before

Astyages himself were placed tables covered with flesh of sheep; but

before Harpagos was placed the flesh of his own son, all but the head

and the hands and the feet, 128 and these were laid aside covered up

in a basket. Then when it seemed that Harpagos was satisfied with food,

Astyages asked him whether he had been pleased with the banquet; and

when Harpagos said that he had been very greatly pleased, they who had

been commanded to do this brought to him the head of his son covered

up, together with the hands and the feet; and standing near they

bade Harpagos uncover and take of them that which he desired. So when

Harpagos obeyed and uncovered, he saw the remains of his son; and seeing

them he was not overcome with amazement but contained himself: and

Astyages asked him whether he perceived of what animal he had been

eating the flesh: and he said that he perceived, and that whatsoever

the king might do was well pleasing to him. Thus having made answer and

taking up the parts of the flesh which still remained he went to his

house; and after that, I suppose, he would gather all the parts together

and bury them.

120. On Harpagos Astyages laid this penalty; and about Cyrus he took

thought, and summoned the same men of the Magians who had given judgment

about his dream in the manner which has been said: and when they came,

Astyages asked how they had given judgment about his vision; and they

spoke according to the same manner, saying that the child must have

become king if he had lived on and had not died before. He made answer

to them thus: "The child is alive and not dead: 129 and while he was

dwelling in the country, the boys of the village appointed him king; and

he performed completely all those things which they do who are really

kings; for he exercised rule, 130 appointed to their places spearmen

of the guard and doorkeepers and bearers of messages and all else. Now

therefore, to what does it seem to you that these things tend?" The

Magians said: "If the child is still alive and became king without any

arrangement, be thou confident concerning him and have good courage,

for he shall not be ruler again the second time; since some even of our

oracles have had but small results, 131 and that at least which has

to do with dreams comes often in the end to a feeble accomplishment."

Astyages made answer in these words: "I myself also, O Magians, am most

disposed to believe that this is so, namely that since the boy was named

king the dream has had its fulfilment and that this boy is no longer

a source of danger to me. Nevertheless give counsel to me, having well

considered what is likely to be most safe both for my house and for

you." Replying to this the Magians said: "To us also, O king, it is of

great consequence that thy rule should stand firm; for in the other

case it is transferred to strangers, coming round to this boy who is a

Persian, and we being Medes are made slaves and become of no account

in the eyes of the Persians, seeing that we are of different race; but

while thou art established as our king, who art one of our own nation,

we both have our share of rule and receive great honours from thee. Thus

then we must by all means have a care of thee and of thy rule. And now,

if we saw in this anything to cause fear, we would declare all to thee

beforehand: but as the dream has had its issue in a trifling manner,

both we ourselves are of good cheer and we exhort thee to be so

likewise: and as for this boy, send him away from before thine eyes to

the Persians and to his parents."

121. When he heard this Astyages rejoiced, and calling Cyrus spoke to

him thus: "My son, I did thee wrong by reason of a vision of a dream

which has not come to pass, but thou art yet alive by thine own destiny;

now therefore go in peace to the land of the Persians, and I will send

with thee men to conduct thee: and when thou art come thither, thou

shalt find a father and a mother not after the fashion of Mitradates the

herdsman and his wife."

122. Thus having spoken Astyages sent Cyrus away; and when he had ed and

come to the house of Cambyses, his parents received him; and after that,

when they learnt who he was, they welcomed him not a little, for they

had supposed without doubt that their son had perished straightway after

his birth; and they inquired in what manner he had survived. And he told

them, saying that before this he had not known but had been utterly in

error; on the way, however, he had learnt all his own fortunes: for

he had supposed without doubt that he was the son of the herdsman of

Astyages, but since his journey from the city began he had learnt the

whole story from those who conducted him. And he said that he had been

brought up by the wife of the herdsman, and continued to praise her

throughout, so that Kyno was the chief person in his tale. And his

parents took up this name from him, and in order that their son might

be thought by the Persians to have been preserved in a more supernatural

manner, they set on foot a report that Cyrus when he was exposed had

been reared by a bitch: 132 and from that source has come this report.

123. Then as Cyrus grew to be a man, being of all those of his age the

most courageous and the best beloved, Harpagos sought to become his

friend and sent him gifts, because he desired to take vengeance on

Astyages. For he saw not how from himself, who was in a private station,

punishment should come upon Astyages; but when he saw Cyrus growing

up, he endeavoured to make him an ally, finding a likeness between the

fortunes of Cyrus and his own. And even before that time he had

effected something: for Astyages being harsh towards the Medes, Harpagos

communicated severally with the chief men of the Medes, and persuaded

them that they must make Cyrus their leader and cause Astyages to cease

from being king. When he had effected this and when all was ready, then

Harpagos wishing to make known his design to Cyrus, who lived among the

Persians, could do it no other way, seeing that the roads were watched,

but devised a scheme as follows:—he made ready a hare, and having cut

open its belly but without pulling off any of the fur, he put into it,

just as it was, a piece of paper, having written upon it that which

he thought good; and then he sewed up again the belly of the hare, and

giving nets as if he were a hunter to that one of his servants whom he

trusted most, he sent him away to the land of the Persians, enjoining

him by word of mouth to give the hare to Cyrus, and to tell him at the

same time to open it with his own hands and let no one else be present

when he did so.

124. This then was accomplished, and Cyrus having received from him the

hare, cut it open; and having found within it the paper he took and read

it over. And the writing said this: "Son of Cambyses, over thee the gods

keep guard, for otherwise thou wouldst never have come to so much good

fortune. Do thou therefore 133 take vengeance on Astyages who is thy

murderer, for so far as his will is concerned thou art dead, but by the

care of the gods and of me thou art still alive; and this I think thou

hast long ago learnt from first to last, both how it happened about

thyself, and also what things I have suffered from Astyages, because I

did not slay thee but gave thee to the herdsman. If therefore thou wilt

be guided by me, thou shalt be ruler of all that land over which now

Astyages is ruler. Persuade the Persians to revolt, and march any army

against the Medes: and whether I shall be appointed leader of the army

against thee, or any other of the Medes who are in repute, thou hast

what thou desirest; for these will be the first to attempt to destroy

Astyages, revolting from him and coming over to thy party. Consider then

that here at least all is ready, and therefore do this and do it with

speed."

125. Cyrus having heard this began to consider in what manner he might

most skilfully persuade the Persians to revolt, and on consideration he

found that this was the most convenient way, and so in fact he did:—He

wrote first on a paper that which he desired to write, and he made an

assembly of the Persians. Then he unfolded the paper and reading from it

said that Astyages appointed him commander of the Persians; "and now, O

Persians," he continued, "I give you command to come to me each one with

a reaping-hook." Cyrus then proclaimed this command. (Now there are of

the Persians many tribes, and some of them Cyrus gathered together and

persuaded to revolt from the Medes, namely those, upon which all the

other Persians depend, the Pasargadai, the Maraphians and the Maspians,

and of these the Pasargadai are the most noble, of whom also the

Achaimenidai are a clan, whence are sprung the Perseïd 134 kings. But

other Persian tribes there are, as follows:—the Panthaliaians, the

Derusiaians and the Germanians, these are all tillers of the soil; and

the rest are nomad tribes, namely the Daoi, Mardians, Dropicans and

Sagartians.)

126. Now there was a certain region of the Persian land which was

overgrown with thorns, extending some eighteen or twenty furlongs in

each direction; and when all had come with that which they had been

before commanded to bring, Cyrus bade them clear this region for

cultivation within one day: and when the Persians had achieved the

task proposed, then he bade them come to him on the next day bathed and

clean. Meanwhile Cyrus, having gathered together in one place all the

flocks of goats and sheep and the herds of cattle belonging to his

father, slaughtered them and prepared with them to entertain the host

of the Persians, and moreover with wine and other provisions of the most

agreeable kind. So when the Persians came on the next day, he made them

recline in a meadow and feasted them. And when they had finished dinner,

Cyrus asked them whether that which they had on the former day or

that which they had now seemed to them preferable. They said that the

difference between them was great, for the former day had for them

nothing but evil, and the present day nothing but good. Taking up this

saying Cyrus proceeded to lay bare his whole design, saying: "Men of the

Persians, thus it is with you. If ye will do as I say, ye have these and

ten thousand other good things, with no servile labour; but if ye will

not do as I say, ye have labours like that of yesterday innumerable. Now

therefore do as I say and make yourselves free: for I seem to myself to

have been born by providential fortune to take these matters in hand;

and I think that ye are not worse men than the Medes, either in other

matters or in those which have to do with war. Consider then that this

is so, and make revolt from Astyages forthwith."

127. So the Persians having obtained a leader willingly attempted to set

themselves free, since they had already for a long time been indignant

to be ruled by the Medes: but when Astyages heard that Cyrus was acting

thus, he sent a messenger and summoned him; and Cyrus bade the messenger

report to Astyages that he would be with him sooner than he would

himself desire. So Astyages hearing this armed all the Medes, and

blinded by divine providence he appointed Harpagos to be the leader of

the army, forgetting what he had done to him. Then when the Medes had

marched out and began to fight with the Persians, some of them continued

the battle, namely those who had not been made partakers in the design,

while others went over to the Persians; but the greater number were

wilfully slack and fled.

128. So when the Median army had been shamefully dispersed, so soon as

Astyages heard of it he said, threatening Cyrus: "But not even so shall

Cyrus at least escape punishment." Thus having spoken he first impaled

the Magian interpreters of dreams who had persuaded him to let Cyrus go,

and then he armed those of the Medes, youths and old men, who had been

left behind in the city. These he led out and having engaged battle with

the Persians he was worsted, and Astyages himself was taken alive, and

he lost also those of the Medes whom he had led forth.

129. Then when Astyages was a prisoner, Harpagos came and stood near him

and rejoiced over him and insulted him; and besides other things which

he said to grieve him, he asked him especially how it pleased him to

be a slave instead of a king, making reference to that dinner at which

Astyages had feasted him with the flesh of his own son. 135 He looking

at him asked him in whether he claimed the work of Cyrus as his own

deed: and Harpagos said that since he had written the letter, the deed

was justly his. Then Astyages declared him to be at the same time the

most unskilful and the most unjust of men; the most unskilful because,

when it was in his power to become king (as it was, if that which had

now been done was really brought about by him), he had conferred the

chief power on another, and the most unjust, because on account of that

dinner he had reduced the Medes to slavery. For if he must needs confer

the kingdom on some other and not keep it himself, it was more just

to give this good thing to one of the Medes rather than to one of the

Persians; whereas now the Medes, who were guiltless of this, had become

slaves instead of masters, and the Persians who formerly were slaves of

the Medes had now become their masters.

130. Astyages then, having been king for five-and-thirty years, was thus

caused to cease from being king; and the Medes stooped under the yoke of

the Persians because of his cruelty, after they had ruled Asia above the

river Halys for one hundred and twenty-eight years, except during that

period for which the Scythians had rule. 136 Afterwards however it

repented them that they had done this, and they revolved from Dareios,

and having revolted they were subdued again, being conquered in a

battle. At this time then, I say, in the reign of Astyages, the Persians

with Cyrus rose up against the Medes and from that time forth were

rulers of Asia: but as for Astyages, Cyrus did no harm to him besides,

but kept him with himself until he died. Thus born and bred Cyrus became

king; and after this he subdued Croesus, who was the first to begin the

quarrel, as I have before said; and having subdued him he then became

ruler of all Asia.

131. These are the customs, so far as I know, which the Persians

practise:—Images and temples and altars they do not account it lawful

to erect, nay they even charge with folly those who do these things; and

this, as it seems to me, because they do not account the gods to be in

the likeness of men, as do the Hellenes. But it is their wont to perform

sacrifices to Zeus going up to the most lofty of the mountains, and the

whole circle of the heavens they call Zeus: and they sacrifice to the

Sun and the Moon and the Earth, to Fire and to Water and to the Winds:

these are the only gods to whom they have sacrificed ever from the

first; but they have learnt also to sacrifice to Aphrodite Urania,

having learnt it both from the Assyrians and the Arabians; and the

Assyrians call Aphrodite Mylitta, the Arabians Alitta, 13601 and the

Persians Mitra.

132. Now this is the manner of sacrifice for the gods aforesaid which

is established among the Persians:—they make no altars neither do they

kindle fire; and when they mean to sacrifice they use no libation nor

music of the pipe nor chaplets 137 nor meal for sprinkling; 138 but when

a man wishes to sacrifice to any one of the gods, he leads the animal

for sacrifice to an unpolluted place and calls upon the god, having

his tiara 13801 wreathed round generally with a branch of myrtle. For

himself alone separately the man who sacrifices may not request good

things in his prayer, but he prays that it may be well with all the

Persians and with the king; for he himself also is included of course

in the whole body of Persians. And when he has cut up the victim into

pieces and boiled the flesh, he spreads a layer of the freshest grass

and especially clover, upon which he places forthwith all the pieces of

flesh; and when he has placed them in order, a Magian man stands by them

and chants over them a theogony (for of this nature they say that their

incantation is), seeing that without a Magian it is not lawful for

them to make sacrifices. Then after waiting a short time the sacrificer

carries away the flesh and uses it for whatever purpose he pleases.

133. And of all days their wont is to honour most that on which they

were born, each one: on this they think it right to set out a feast more

liberal than on other days; and in this feast the wealthier of them set

upon the table an ox or a horse or a camel or an ass, roasted whole in

an oven, and the poor among them set out small animals in the same way.

They have few solid dishes, 139 but many served up after as dessert, and

these not in a single course; and for this reason the Persians say that

the Hellenes leave off dinner hungry, because after dinner they have

nothing worth mentioning served up as dessert, whereas if any

good dessert were served up they would not stop eating so soon. To

wine-drinking they are very much given, and it is not permitted for

a man to vomit or to make water in presence of another. Thus do they

provide against these things; and they are wont to deliberate when

drinking hard about the most important of their affairs, and whatsoever

conclusion has pleased them in their deliberation, this on the next day,

when they are sober, the master of the house in which they happen to be

when they deliberate lays before them for discussion: and if it pleases

them when they are sober also, they adopt it, but if it does not

please them, they let it go: and that on which they have had the first

deliberation when they are sober, they consider again when they are

drinking.

134. When they meet one another in the roads, by this you may discern

whether those who meet are of equal rank,—for instead of greeting by

words they kiss one another on the mouth; but if one of them is a little

inferior to the other, they kiss one another on the cheeks, and if one

is of much less noble rank than the other, he falls down before him and

does worship to him. 140 And they honour of all most after themselves

those nations which dwell nearest to them, and next those which dwell

next nearest, and so they go on giving honour in proportion to distance;

and they hold least in honour those who dwell furthest off from

themselves, esteeming themselves to be by far the best of all the human

race on every point, and thinking that others possess merit according

to the proportion which is here stated, 141 and that those who dwell

furthest from themselves are the worst. And under the supremacy of the

Medes the various nations used also to govern one another according to

the same rule as the Persians observe in giving honour, 142 the Medes

governing the whole and in particular those who dwelt nearest to

themselves, and these having rule over those who bordered upon them, and

those again over the nations that were next to them: for the race went

forward thus ever from government by themselves to government through

others.

135. The Persians more than any other men admit foreign usages; for they

both wear the Median dress judging it to be more comely than their own,

and also for fighting the Egyptian corslet: moreover they adopt all

kinds of luxuries when they hear of them, and in particular they have

learnt from the Hellenes to have commerce with boys. They marry each

one several lawful wives, and they get also a much larger number of

concubines.

136. It is established as a sign of manly excellence next after

excellence in fight, to be able to show many sons; and to those who have

most the king sends gifts every year: for they consider number to be a

source of strength. And they educate their children, beginning at five

years old and going on till twenty, in three things only, in riding, in

shooting, and in speaking the truth: but before the boy is five years

old he does not come into the presence of his father, but lives with the

women; and it is so done for this reason, that if the child should die

while he is being bred up, he may not be the cause of any grief to his

father.

137. I commend this custom of theirs, and also the one which is next

to be mentioned, namely that neither the king himself shall put any to

death for one cause alone, nor any of the other Persians for one cause

alone shall do hurt that is irremediable to any of his own servants; but

if after reckoning he finds that the wrongs done are more in number and

greater than the services rendered, 143 then only he gives vent to

his anger. Moreover they say that no one ever killed his own father or

mother, but whatever deeds have been done which seemed to be of this

nature, if examined must necessarily, they say, be found to be due

either to changelings or to children of adulterous birth; for, say they,

it is not reasonable to suppose that the true parent would be killed by

his own son.

138. Whatever things it is not lawful for them to do, these it is not

lawful for them even to speak of: and the most disgraceful thing in

their estimation is to tell an lie, and next to this to owe money, this

last for many other reasons, but especially because it is necessary,

they say, for him who owes money, also sometimes to tell lies: and

whosoever of the men of the city has leprosy or whiteness of skin, he

does not come into a city nor mingle with the other Persians; and they

say that he has these diseases because he has offended in some way

against the Sun: but a stranger who is taken by these diseases, in many

regions 144 they drive out of the country altogether, and also white

doves, alleging against them the same cause. And into a river they

neither make water nor spit, neither do they wash their hands in it,

nor allow any other to do these things, but they reverence rivers very

greatly.

139. This moreover also has chanced to them, which the Persians have

themselves failed to notice but I have not failed to do so:—their

names, which are formed to correspond with their bodily shapes or their

magnificence of station, end all with the same letter, that letter which

the Dorians call san and the Ionians sigma; with this you will find, if

you examine the matter, that all the Persian names end, not some with

this and others with other letters, but all alike.

140. So much I am able to say for certain from my own knowledge about

them: but what follows is reported about their dead as a secret mystery

and not with clearness, namely that the body of a Persian man is not

buried until it has been torn by a bird or a dog. (The Magians I know

for a certainty have this practice, for they do it openly.) However that

may be, the Persians cover the body with wax and then bury it in the

earth. Now the Magians are distinguished in many ways from other men,

as also from the priests in Egypt: for these last esteem it a matter

of purity to kill no living creature except the animals which they

sacrifice; but the Magians kill with their own hands all creatures

except dogs and men, and they even make this a great end to aim at,

killing both ants and serpents and all other creeping and flying things.

About this custom then be it as it was from the first established; and I

now to the former narrative. 145

141. The Ionians and Aiolians, as soon as the Lydians had been subdued

by the Persians, sent messengers to Cyrus at Sardis, desiring to be his

subjects on the same terms as they had been subjects of Croesus. And

when he heard that which they proposed to him, he spoke to them a fable,

saying that a certain player on the pipe saw fishes in the sea and

played on his pipe, supposing that they would come out to land; but

being deceived in his expectation, he took a casting-net and enclosed

a great multitude of the fishes and drew them forth from the water: and

when he saw them leaping about, he said to the fishes: "Stop dancing I

pray you now, seeing that ye would not come out and dance before when

I piped." Cyrus spoke this fable to the Ionians and Aiolians for this

reason, because the Ionians had refused to comply before, when Cyrus

himself by a messenger requested them to revolt from Croesus, while now

when the conquest had been made they were ready to submit to Cyrus. Thus

he said to them in anger, and the Ionians, when they heard this answer

brought back to their cities, put walls round about them severally, and

gathered together to the Panionion, all except the men of Miletos, for

with these alone Cyrus had sworn an agreement on the same terms as the

Lydians had granted. The rest of the Ionians resolved by common consent

to send messengers to Sparta, to ask the Spartans to help the Ionians.

142. These Ionians to whom belongs the Panionion had the fortune to

build their cities in the most favourable position for climate and

seasons of any men whom we know: for neither the regions above Ionia nor

those below, neither those towards the East nor those towards the West,

146 produce the same results as Ionia itself, the regions in the one

direction being oppressed by cold and moisture, and those in the other

by heat and drought. And these do not use all the same speech, but have

four different variations of language. 147 First of their cities on the

side of the South lies Miletos, and next to it Myus and Priene. These

are settlements made in Caria, and speak the same language with one

another; and the following are in Lydia,—Ephesos, Colophon, Lebedos,

Teos, Clazomenai, Phocaia: these cities resemble not at all those

mentioned before in the speech which they use, but they agree one with

another. There remain besides three Ionian cities, of which two are

established in the islands of Samos and Chios, and one is built upon the

mainland, namely Erythrai: now the men of Chios and of Erythrai use the

same form of language, but the Samians have one for themselves alone.

Thus there result four separate forms of language.

143. Of these Ionians then those of Miletos were sheltered from danger,

since they had sworn an agreement; and those of them who lived in

islands had no cause for fear, for the Phenicians were not yet subjects

of the Persians and the Persians themselves were not sea-men. Now these

148 were parted off from the other Ionians for no other reason than

this:—The whole Hellenic nation was at that time weak, but of all its

races the Ionian was much the weakest and of least account: except

Athens, indeed, it had no considerable city. Now the other Ionians, and

among them the Athenians, avoided the name, not wishing to be called

Ionians, nay even now I perceive that the greater number of them are

ashamed of the name: but these twelve cities not only prided themselves

on the name but established a temple of their own, to which they gave

the name of Panionion, and they made resolution not to grant a share in

it to any other Ionians (nor indeed did any ask to share it except those

of Smyrna);

144, just as the Dorians of that district which is now called the Five

Cities 149 but was formerly called the Six Cities, 150 take care not

to admit any of the neighbouring Dorians to the temple of Triopion, and

even exclude from sharing in it those of their own body who commit any

offence as regards the temple. For example, in the games of the Triopian

Apollo they used formerly to set bronze tripods as prizes for the

victors, and the rule was that those who received them should not carry

them out of the temple but dedicate them then and there to the god.

There was a man then of Halicarnassos, whose name was Agasicles, who

being a victor paid no regard to this rule, but carried away the tripod

to his own house and hung it up there upon a nail. On this ground

the other five cities, Lindos, Ialysos and Cameiros, Cos and Cnidos,

excluded the sixth city Halicarnassos from sharing in the temple.

145. Upon these they laid this penalty: but as for the Ionians, I think

that the reason why they made of themselves twelve cities and would

not receive any more into their body, was because when they dwelt in

Peloponnesus there were of them twelve divisions, just as now there are

twelve divisions of the Achaians who drove the Ionians out: for first,

(beginning from the side of Sikyon) comes Pellene, then Aigeira and

Aigai, in which last is the river Crathis with a perpetual flow (whence

the river of the same name in Italy received its name), and Bura and

Helike, to which the Ionians fled for refuge when they were worsted by

the Achaians in fight, and Aigion and Rhypes and Patreis and Phareis

and Olenos, where is the great river Peiros, and Dyme and Tritaieis, of

which the last alone has an inland position. 151 These form now twelve

divisions of the Achaians, and in former times they were divisions of

the Ionians.

146. For this reason then the Ionians also made for themselves twelve

cities; for at any rate to say that these are any more Ionians than

the other Ionians, or have at all a nobler descent, is mere folly,

considering that a large part of them are Abantians from Euboea, who

have no share even in the name of Ionia, and Minyai of Orchomenos have

been mingled with them, and Cadmeians and Dryopians and Phokians who

seceded from their native State and Molossians and Pelasgians of Arcadia

and Dorians of Epidauros and many other races have been mingled with

them; and those of them who set forth to their settlements from the City

Hall of Athens and who esteem themselves the most noble by descent

of the Ionians, these, I say, brought no women with them to their

settlement, but took Carian women, whose parents they slew: and on

account of this slaughter these women laid down for themselves a rule,

imposing oaths on one another, and handed it on to their daughters, that

they should never eat with their husbands, nor should a wife call her

own husband by name, for this reason, because the Ionians had slain

their fathers and husbands and children and then having done this had

them to wife. This happened at Miletos.

147. Moreover some of them set Lykian kings over them, descendants of

Glaucos and Hippolochos, while others were ruled by Cauconians of Pylos,

descendants of Codros the son of Melanthos, and others again by princes

of the two races combined. Since however these hold on to the name more

than the other Ionians, let them be called, if they will, the Ionians of

truly pure descent; but in fact all are Ionians who have their descent

from Athens and who keep the feast of Apaturia; and this all keep except

the men of Ephesos and Colophon: for these alone of all the Ionians do

not keep the Apaturia, and that on the ground of some murder committed.

148. Now the Panionion is a sacred place on the north side of Mycale,

set apart by common agreement of the Ionians for Poseidon of Helike 152;

and this Mycale is a promontory of the mainland running out Westwards

towards Samos, where the Ionians gathering together from their cities

used to hold a festival which they called the Panionia. (And not only

the feasts of the Ionians but also those of all the Hellenes equally are

subject to this rule, that their names all end in the same letter, just

like the names of the Persians.) 153

These then are the Ionian cities:

149, and those of Aiolia are as follows:—Kyme, which is called

Phriconis, Larisai, Neon-teichos, Temnos, Killa, Notion, Aigiroëssa,

Pitane, Aigaiai, Myrina, Gryneia; these are the ancient cities of the

Aiolians, eleven in number, since one, Smyrna, was severed from them by

the Ionians; for these cities, that is those on the mainland, used also

formerly to be twelve in number. And these Aiolians had the fortune to

settle in a land which is more fertile than that of the Ionians but in

respect of climate less favoured. 154

150. Now the Aiolians lost Smyrna in the following manner:—certain men

of Colophon, who had been worsted in party strife and had been driven

from their native city, were received there for refuge: and after this

the Colophonian exiles watched for a time when the men of Smyrna were

celebrating a festival to Dionysos outside the walls, and then they

closed the gates against them and got possession of the city. After

this, when the whole body of Aiolians came to the rescue, they made an

agreement that the Ionians should give up the movable goods, and that

on this condition the Aiolians should abandon Smyrna. When the men of

Smyrna had done this, the remaining eleven cities divided them amongst

themselves and made them their own citizens.

151. These then are the Aiolian cities upon the mainland, with the

exception of those situated on Mount Ida, for these are separate from

the rest. And of those which are in the islands, there are five in

Lesbos, for the sixth which was situated in Lesbos, namely Arisba, was

enslaved by the men of Methymna, though its citizens were of the same

race as they; and in Tenedos there is one city, and another in what are

called the "Hundred Isles." Now the Lesbians and the men of Tenedos,

like those Ionians who dwelt in the islands, had no cause for fear; but

the remaining cities came to a common agreement to follow the Ionians

whithersoever they should lead.

152. Now when the messengers from the Ionians and Aiolians came to

Sparta (for this business was carried out with speed), they chose before

all others to speak for them the Phocaian, whose name was Pythermos. He

then put upon him a purple cloak, in order that as many as possible

of the Spartans might hear of it and come together, and having been

introduced before the assembly 155 he spoke at length, asking the

Spartans to help them. The Lacedemonians however would not listen to

him, but resolved on the contrary not to help the Ionians. So they

departed, and the Lacedemonians, having dismissed the messengers of the

Ionians, sent men notwithstanding in a ship of fifty oars, to find out,

as I imagine, about the affairs of Cyrus and about Ionia. These when

they came to Phocaia sent to Sardis the man of most repute among

them, whose name was Lacrines, to report to Cyrus the saying of the

Lacedemonians, bidding him do hurt to no city of the Hellas, since they

would not permit it.

153. When the herald had spoken thus, Cyrus is said to have asked those

of the Hellenes whom he had with him, what men the Lacedemonians were

and how many in number, that they made this proclamation to him; and

hearing their answer he said to the Spartan herald: "Never yet did I

fear men such as these, who have a place appointed in the midst of their

city where they gather together and deceive one another by false oaths:

and if I continue in good health, not the misfortunes of the Ionians

will be for them a subject of talk, but rather their own." These words

Cyrus threw out scornfully with reference to the Hellenes in general,

because they have got for themselves 156 markets and practise buying and

selling there; for the Persians themselves are not wont to use markets

nor have they any market-place at all. After this he entrusted Sardis to

Tabalos a Persian, and the gold both of Croesus and of the other Lydians

he gave to Pactyas a Lydian to take charge of, and himself marched

away to Agbatana, taking with him Croesus and making for the present no

account of the Ionians. For Babylon stood in his way still, as also the

Bactrian nation and the Sacans and the Egyptians; and against these he

meant to make expeditions himself, while sending some other commander

about the Ionians.

154. But when Cyrus had marched away from Sardis, Pactyas caused the

Lydians to revolt from Tabalos and from Cyrus. This man went down to the

sea, and having in his possession all the gold that there had been in

Sardis, he hired for himself mercenaries and persuaded the men of the

sea-coast to join his expedition. So he marched on Sardis and besieged

Tabalos, having shut himself up in the citadel.

155. Hearing this on his way, Cyrus said to Croesus as follows:

"Croesus, what end shall I find of these things which are coming to

pass? The Lydians will not cease as it seems, from giving trouble to

me and from having it themselves. I doubt me if it were not best 157 to

sell them all as slaves; for as it is, I see that I have done in like

manner as if one should slay the father and then spare his sons: just so

I took prisoner and am carrying away thee, who wert much more than the

father of the Lydians, while to the Lydians themselves I delivered up

their city; and can I feel surprise after this that they have revolted

from me?" Thus he said what was in his mind, but Croesus answered him as

follows, fearing lest he should destroy Sardis: "O king, that which thou

hast said is not without reason; but do not thou altogether give vent

to thy wrath, nor destroy an ancient city which is guiltless both of the

former things and also of those which have come to pass now: for as

to the former things it was I who did them and I bear the consequences

heaped upon my head; 158 and as for what is now being done, since the

wrongdoer is Pactyas to whom thou didst entrust the charge of Sardis,

let him pay the penalty. But the Lydians I pray thee pardon, and lay

upon them commands as follows, in order that they may not revolt nor

be a cause of danger to thee:—send to them and forbid them to possess

weapons of war, but bid them on the other hand put on tunics under their

outer garments and be shod with buskins, and proclaim to them that they

train their sons to play the lyre and the harp and to be retail-dealers;

and soon thou shalt see, O king, that they have become women instead of

men, so that there will be no fear that they will revolt from thee."

156. Croesus, I say, suggested to him this, perceiving that this was

better for the Lydians than to be reduced to slavery and sold; for he

knew that if he did not offer a sufficient reason, he would not persuade

Cyrus to change his mind, and he feared lest at some future time, if

they should escape the present danger, the Lydians might revolt from

the Persians and be destroyed. And Cyrus was greatly pleased with the

suggestion made and slackened from his wrath, saying that he agreed with

his advice. Then he called Mazares a Mede, and laid charge upon him to

proclaim to the Lydians that which Croesus suggested, and moreover to

sell into slavery all the rest who had joined with the Lydians in the

expedition to Sardis, and finally by all means to bring Pactyas himself

alive to Cyrus.

157. Having given this charge upon the road, he continued his march to

the native land of the Persians; but Pactyas hearing that an army was

approaching to fight against him was struck with fear and fled away

forthwith to Kyme. Then Mazares the Mede marched upon Sardis with a

certain portion of the army of Cyrus, and as he did not find Pactyas or

his followers any longer at Sardis, he first compelled the Lydians to

perform the commands of Cyrus, and by his commands the Lydians changed

the whole manner of their life. After this Mazares proceeded to send

messengers to Kyme bidding them give up Pactyas: and the men of Kyme

resolved to refer to the god at Branchidai the question what counsel

they should follow. For there was there an Oracle established of old

time, which all the Ionians and Aiolians were wont to consult; and this

place is in the territory of Miletos above the port of Panormos.

158. So the men of Kyme sent messengers to the Branchidai 159 to inquire

of the god, and they asked what course they should take about Pactyas so

as to do that which was pleasing to the gods. When they thus inquired,

the answer was given them that they should deliver up Pactyas to the

Persians: and the men of Kyme, having heard this answer reported, were

disposed to give him up. Then when the mass of the people were thus

disposed, Aristodicos the son of Heracleides, a man of repute among the

citizens, stopped the men of Kyme from doing so, having distrust of the

answer and thinking that those sent to inquire were not speaking the

truth; until at last other messengers were sent to the Oracle to ask a

second time about Pactyas, and of them Aristodicos was one.

159. When these came to Branchidai, Aristodicos stood forth from the

rest and consulted the Oracle, asking as follows: Lord, 160 there came

to us a suppliant for protection Pactyas the Lydian, flying from a

violent death at the hands of the Persians, and they demand him from us,

bidding the men of Kyme give him up. But we, though we fear the power of

the Persians, yet have not ventured up to this time to deliver to them

the suppliant, until thy counsel shall be clearly manifested to us,

saying which of the two things we ought to do." He thus inquired, but

the god again declared to them the same answer, bidding them deliver up

Pactyas to the Persians. Upon this Aristodicos with deliberate purpose

did as follows:—he went all round the temple destroying the nests of the

sparrows 161 and of all the other kinds of birds which had been hatched

on the temple: and while he was doing this, it is said that a voice came

from the inner shrine directed to Aristodicos and speaking thus: "Thou

most impious of men, why dost thou dare to do this? Dost thou carry

away by force from my temple the suppliants for my protection?" And

Aristodicos, it is said, not being at all at a loss replied to this:

"Lord, dost thou thus come to the assistance of thy suppliants, and yet

biddest the men of Kyme deliver up theirs?" and the god answered him

again thus: "Yea, I bid you do so, that ye may perish the more quickly

for your impiety; so that ye may not at any future time come to the

Oracle to ask about delivering up of suppliants."

160. When the men of Kyme heard this saying reported, not wishing either

to be destroyed by giving him up or to be besieged by keeping him with

them, they sent him away to Mytilene. Those of Mytilene however, when

Mazares sent messages to them, were preparing to deliver up Pactyas

for a price, but what the price was I cannot say for certain, since the

bargain was never completed; for the men of Kyme, when they learnt that

this was being done by the Mytilenians, sent a vessel to Lesbos and

conveyed away Pactyas to Chios. After this he was dragged forcibly from

the temple of Athene Poliuchos by the Chians and delivered up: and the

Chians delivered him up receiving Atarneus in , (now this Atarneus is a

region of Mysia 162 opposition Lesbos). So the Persians having received

Pactyas kept him under guard, meaning to produce him before Cyrus. And

a long time elapsed during which none of the Chians either used

barley-meal grown in this region of Atarneus, for pouring out in

sacrifice to any god, or baked cakes for offering of the corn which grew

there, but all the produce of this land was excluded from every kind of

sacred service.

161. The men of Chios had then delivered up Pactyas; and after this

Mazares made expedition against those who had joined in besieging

Tabalos: and first he reduced to slavery those of Priene, then he

overran the whole plain of the Maiander making spoil of it for his army,

and Magnesia in the same manner: and straightway after this he fell sick

and died.

162. After he was dead, Harpagos came down to take his place in command,

being also a Mede by race (this was the man whom the king of the Medes

Astyages feasted with the unlawful banquet, and who helped to give the

kingdom to Cyrus). This man, being appointed commander then by Cyrus,

came to Ionia and proceeded to take the cities by throwing up mounds

against them: for when he had enclosed any people within their walls,

then he threw up mounds against the walls and took their city by storm;

and the first city of Ionia upon which he made an attempt was Phocaia.

163. Now these Phocaians were the first of the Hellenes who made long

voyages, and these are they who discovered the Adriatic and Tyrsenia and

Iberia and Tartessos: and they made voyages not in round ships, but in

vessels of fifty oars. These came to Tartessos and became friends with

the king of the Tartessians whose name was Arganthonios: he was ruler

of the Tartessians for eighty years and lived in all one hundred and

twenty. With this man, I say, the Phocaians became so exceedingly

friendly, that first he bade them leave Ionia and dwell wherever they

desired in his own land; and as he did not prevail upon the Phocaians

to do this, afterwards, hearing from them of the Mede how his power was

increasing, he gave them money to build a wall about their city: and he

did this without sparing, for the circuit of the wall is many furlongs

163 in extent, and it is built all of large stones closely fitted

together.

164. The wall of the Phocaians was made in this manner: and Harpagos

having marched his army against them began to besiege them, at the same

time holding forth to them proposals and saying that it was enough to

satisfy him if the Phocaians were willing to throw down one battlement

of their wall and dedicate one single house. 164 But the Phocaians,

being very greatly grieved at the thought of subjection, said that they

wished to deliberate about the matter for one day and after that they

would give their answer; and they asked him to withdraw his army from

the wall while they were deliberating. Harpagos said that he knew very

well what they were meaning to do, nevertheless he was willing to allow

them to deliberate. So in the time that followed, when Harpagos

had withdrawn his army from the wall, the Phocaians drew down their

fifty-oared galleys to the sea, put into them their children and women

and all their movable goods, and besides them the images out of the

temples and the other votive offerings except such as were made of

bronze or stone or consisted of paintings, all the rest, I say, they

put into the ships, and having embarked themselves they sailed towards

Chios; and the Persians obtained possession of Phocaia, the city being

deserted of the inhabitants.

165. But as for the Phocaians, since the men of Chios would not sell

them at their request the islands called Oinussai, from the fear lest

these islands might be made a seat of trade and their island might be

shut out, therefore they set out for Kyrnos: 165 for in Kyrnos

twenty years before this they had established a city named Alalia, in

accordance with an oracle, (now Arganthonios by that time was dead). And

when they were setting out for Kyrnos they first sailed to Phocaia and

slaughtered the Persian garrison, to whose charge Harpagos had

delivered the city; then after they had achieved this they made solemn

imprecations on any one of them who should be left behind from their

voyage, and moreover they sank a mass of iron in the sea and swore that

not until that mass should appear again on the surface 166 would they to

Phocaia. However as they were setting forth to Kyrnos, more than half of

the citizens were seized with yearning and regret for their city and for

their native land, and they proved false to their oath and sailed back

to Phocaia. But those of them who kept the oath still, weighed anchor

from the islands of Oinussai and sailed.

166. When these came to Kyrnos, for five years they dwelt together with

those who had come thither before, and they founded temples there.

Then, since they plundered the property of all their neighbours,

the Tyrsenians and Carthaginians 167 made expedition against them by

agreement with one another, each with sixty ships. And the Phocaians

also manned their vessels, sixty in number, and came to meet the enemy

in that which is called the Sardinian sea: and when they encountered one

another in the sea-fight the Phocaians won a kind of Cadmean victory,

for forty of their ships were destroyed and the remaining twenty were

disabled, having had their prows bent aside. So they sailed in to Alalia

and took up their children and their women and their other possessions

as much as their ships proved capable of carrying, and then they left

Kyrnos behind them and sailed to Rhegion.

167. But as for the crews of the ships that were destroyed, the

Carthaginians and Tyrsenians obtained much the greater number of them,

168 and these they brought to land and killed by stoning. After this the

men of Agylla found that everything which passed by the spot where the

Phocaians were laid after being stoned, became either distorted, or

crippled, or paralysed, both small cattle and beasts of burden and

human creatures: so the men of Agylla sent to Delphi desiring to purge

themselves of the offence; and the Pythian prophetess bade them do that

which the men of Agylla still continue to perform, that is to say, they

make great sacrifices in honour of the dead, and hold at the place a

contest of athletics and horse-racing. These then of the Phocaians had

the fate which I have said; but those of them who took refuge at Rhegion

started from thence and took possession of that city in the land of

Oinotria which now is called Hyele. This they founded having learnt from

a man of Poseidonia that the Pythian prophetess by her answer meant

them to found a temple to Kyrnos, who was a hero, and not to found a

settlement in the island of Kyrnos. 169

168. About Phocaia in Ionia it happened thus, and nearly the same thing

also was done by the men of Teos: for as soon as Harpagos took their

wall with a mound, they embarked in their ships and sailed straightway

for Thrace; and there they founded the city of Abdera, which before

them Timesios of Clazomenai founded and had no profit therefrom, but

was driven out by the Thracians; and now he is honoured as a hero by the

Teïans in Abdera.

169. These alone of all the Ionians left their native cities because

they would not endure subjection: but the other Ionians except the

Milesians did indeed contend in arms with Harpagos like those who left

their homes, and proved themselves brave men, fighting each for his own

native city; but when they were defeated and captured they remained all

in their own place and performed that which was laid upon them: but the

Milesians, as I have also said before, had made a sworn agreement with

Cyrus himself and kept still. Thus for the second time Ionia had been

reduced to subjection. And when Harpagos had conquered the Ionians on

the mainland, then the Ionians who dwelt in the islands, being struck

with fear by these things, gave themselves over to Cyrus.

170. When the Ionians had been thus evilly entreated but were continuing

still to hold their gatherings as before at the Panionion, Bias a man

of Priene set forth to the Ionians, as I am informed, a most profitable

counsel, by following which they might have been the most prosperous

of all the Hellenes. He urged that the Ionians should set forth in one

common expedition and sail to Sardinia, and after that found a single

city for all the Ionians: and thus they would escape subjection and

would be prosperous, inhabiting the largest of all islands and being

rulers over others; whereas, if they remained in Ionia, he did not

perceive, he said, that freedom would any longer exist for them. This

was the counsel given by Bias of Priene after the Ionians had been

ruined; but a good counsel too was given before the ruin of Ionia

by Thales a man of Miletos, who was by descent of Phenician race. He

advised the Ionians to have one single seat of government, 170 and that

this should be at Teos (for Teos, he said, was in the centre of Ionia),

and that the other cities should be inhabited as before, but accounted

just as if they were demes.

These men 171 set forth to them counsels of the kind which I have said:

171. but Harpagos, after subduing Ionia, proceeded to march against the

Carians and Caunians and Lykians, taking also Ionians and Aiolians to

help him. Of these the Carians came to the mainland from the islands;

for being of old time subjects of Minos and being called Leleges, they

used to dwell in the islands, paying no tribute, so far back as I am

able to arrive by hearsay, but whenever Minos required it, they used

to supply his ships with seamen: and as Minos subdued much land and was

fortunate in his fighting, the Carian nation was of all nations by much

the most famous at that time together with him. And they produced three

inventions of which the Hellenes adopted the use; that is to say, the

Carians were those who first set the fashion of fastening crests on

helmets, and of making the devices which are put onto shields, and these

also were the first who made handles for their shields, whereas up to

that time all who were wont to use shields carried them without handles

and with leathern straps to guide them, having them hung about their

necks and their left shoulders. Then after the lapse of a long time the

Dorians and Ionians drove the Carians out of the islands, and so they

came to the mainland. With respect to the Carians the Cretans relate

that it happened thus; the Carians themselves however do not agree with

this account, but suppose that they are dwellers on the mainland from

the beginning, 172 and that they went always by the same name which they

have now: and they point as evidence of this to an ancient temple of

Carian Zeus at Mylasa, in which the Mysians and Lydians share as being

brother races of the Carians, for they say that Lydos and Mysos were

brothers of Car; these share in it, but those who being of another race

have come to speak the same language as the Carians, these have no share

in it.

172. It seems to me however that the Caunians are dwellers there from

the beginning, though they say themselves that they came from Crete: but

they have been assimilated to the Carian race in language, or else the

Carians to the Caunian race, I cannot with certainty determine which.

They have customs however in which they differ very much from all other

men as well as from the Carians; for example the fairest thing in their

estimation is to meet together in numbers for drinking, according to

equality of age or friendship, both men, women, and children; and again

when they had founded temples for foreign deities, afterwards they

changed their purpose and resolved to worship only their own native

gods, and the whole body of Caunian young men put on their armour and

made pursuit as far as the borders of the Calyndians, beating the air

with their spears; and they said that they were casting the foreign gods

out of the land. Such are the customs which these have.

173. The Lykians however have sprung originally from Crete (for in old

time the whole of Crete was possessed by Barbarians): and when the sons

of Europa, Sarpedon and Minos, came to be at variance in Crete about the

kingdom, Minos having got the better in the strife of parties drove

out both Sarpedon himself and those of his party: and they having been

expelled came to the land of Milyas in Asia, for the land which now the

Lykians inhabit was anciently called Milyas, and the Milyans were then

called Solymoi. Now while Sarpedon reigned over them, they were called

by the name which they had when they came thither, and by which the

Lykians are even now called by the neighbouring tribes, namely Termilai;

but when from Athens Lycos the son of Pandion came to the land of the

Termilai and to Sarpedon, he too having been driven out by his brother

namely Aigeus, then by the name taken from Lycos they were called after

a time Lykians. The customs which these have are partly Cretan and

partly Carian; but one custom they have which is peculiar to them, and

in which they agree with no other people, that is they call themselves

by their mothers and not by their fathers; and if one asks his neighbour

who he is, he will state his parentage on the mother's side and

enumerate his mother's female ascendants: and if a woman who is a

citizen marry a slave, the children are accounted to be of gentle birth;

but if a man who is a citizen, though he were the first man among them,

have a slave for wife or concubine, the children are without civil

rights.

174. Now the Carians were reduced to subjection by Harpagos without any

brilliant deed displayed either by the Carians themselves or by those

of the Hellenes who dwell in this land. Of these last there are besides

others the men of Cnidos, settlers from Lacedemon, whose land runs out

into the sea, 173 being in fact the region which is called Triopion,

beginning from the peninsula of Bybassos: and since all the land of

Cnidos except a small part is washed by the sea (for the part of it

which looks towards the North is bounded by the Gulf of Keramos, and

that which looks to the South by the sea off Syme and Rhodes), therefore

the men of Cnidos began to dig through this small part, which is about

five furlongs across, while Harpagos was subduing Ionia, desiring to

make their land an island: and within the isthmus all was theirs, 174

for where the territory of Cnidos ends in the direction of the mainland,

here is the isthmus which they were digging across. And while the

Cnidians were working at it with a great number of men, it was perceived

that the men who worked suffered injury much more than might have been

expected and in a more supernatural manner, both in other parts of their

bodies and especially in their eyes, when the rock was being broken

up; so they sent men to ask the Oracle at Delphi what the cause of

the difficulty was. And the Pythian prophetess, as the men of Cnidos

themselves report, gave them this reply in trimeter verse:—

"Fence not the place with towers, nor dig the isthmus through;

Zeus would have made your land an island, had he willed."

When the Pythian prophetess had given this oracle, the men of Cnidos

not only ceased from their digging but delivered themselves to Harpagos

without resistance, when he came against them with his army.

175. There were also the Pedasians, who dwelt in the inland country

above Halicarnassos; and among these, whenever anything hurtful is about

to happen either to themselves or to their neighbours, the priestess

of Athene has a great beard: this befell them three times. These of

all about Caria were the only men who held out for any time against

Harpagos, and they gave him trouble more than any other people, having

fortified a mountain called Lide.

176. After a time the Pedasians were conquered; and the Lykians, when

Harpagos marched his army into the plain of Xanthos, came out against

him 175 and fought, few against many, and displayed proofs of valour;

but being defeated and confined within their city, they gathered

together into the citadel their wives and their children, their property

and their servants, and after that they set fire to this citadel, so

that it was all in flames, and having done so and sworn terrible oaths

with one another, they went forth against the enemy 176 and were slain

in fight, that is to say all the men of Xanthos: and of the Xanthians

who now claim to be Lykians the greater number have come in from abroad,

except only eighty households; but these eighty households happened

at that time to be away from their native place, and so they escaped

destruction. Thus Harpagos obtained possession of Caunos, for the men of

Caunos imitated in most respects the behaviour of the Lykians.

177. So Harpagos was conquering the coast regions of Asia; and Cyrus

himself meanwhile was doing the same in the upper parts of it, subduing

every nation and passing over none. Now most of these actions I shall

pass over in silence, but the undertakings which gave him trouble more

than the rest and which are the most worthy of note, of these I shall

make mention.

178. Cyrus, so soon as he had made subject to himself all other parts

of the mainland, proceeded to attack the Assyrians. Now Assyria

has doubtless many other great cities, but the most famous and the

strongest, and the place where the seat of their monarchy had been

established after Nineveh was destroyed, was Babylon; which was a city

such as I shall say.—It lies in a great plain, and in size it is such

that each face measures one hundred and twenty furlongs, 177 the shape

of the whole being square; thus the furlongs of the circuit of the city

amount in all to four hundred and eighty. Such is the size of the city

of Babylon, and it had a magnificence greater than all other cities of

which we have knowledge. First there runs round it a trench deep and

broad and full of water; then a wall fifty royal cubits in thickness

and two hundred cubits in height: now the royal cubit is larger by three

fingers than the common cubit. 178

179. I must also tell in addition to this for what purpose the earth was

used, which was taken out of the trench, and in what manner the wall was

made. As they dug the trench they made the earth which was carried out

of the excavation into bricks, and having moulded enough bricks they

baked them in kilns; and then afterwards, using hot asphalt for mortar

and inserting reed mats at every thirty courses of brickwork, they built

up first the edges of the trench and then the wall itself in the same

manner: and at the top of the wall along the edges they built chambers

of one story facing one another; and between the rows of chambers they

left space to drive a four-horse chariot. In the circuit of the wall

there are set a hundred gates made of bronze throughout, and the

gate-posts and lintels likewise. Now there is another city distant from

Babylon a space of eight days' journey, of which the name is Is; and

there is a river there of no great size, and the name of the river is

also Is, and it sends its stream into the river Euphrates. This river Is

throws up together with its water lumps of asphalt in great abundance,

and thence was brought the asphalt for the wall of Babylon.

180. Babylon then was walled in this manner; and there are two divisions

of the city; for a river whose name is Euphrates parts it in the middle.

This flows from the land of the Armenians and is large and deep and

swift, and it flows out into the Erythraian sea. The wall then on each

side has its bends 179 carried down to the river, and from this point

the walls stretch along each bank of the stream in the form of a rampart

of baked bricks: and the city itself is full of houses of three and

four stories, and the roads by which it is cut up run in straight lines,

including the cross roads which lead to the river; and opposite to each

road there were set gates in the rampart which ran along the river, in

many in number as the ways, 180 and these also were of bronze and led

like the ways 181 to the river itself.

181. This wall then which I have mentioned is as it were a cuirass 182

for the town, and another wall runs round within it, not much weaker for

defence than the first but enclosing a smaller space. 183 And in each

division of the city was a building in the midst, in the one the king's

palace of great extent and strongly fortified round, and in the other

the temple of Zeus Belos with bronze gates, and this exists still up to

my time and measures two furlongs each way, 184 being of a square shape:

and in the midst of the temple 185 is built a solid tower measuring a

furlong both in length and in breadth, and on this tower another tower

has been erected, and another again upon this, and so on up to the

number of eight towers. An ascent to these has been built running

outside round about all the towers; and when one reaches about the

middle of the ascent one finds a stopping-place and seats to rest upon,

on which those who ascend sit down and rest: and on the top of the last

tower there is a large cell, 186 and in the cell a large couch is laid,

well covered, and by it is placed a golden table: and there is no image

there set up nor does any human being spend the night there except only

one woman of the natives of the place, whomsoever the god shall choose

from all the woman, as say the Chaldeans who are the priests of this

god.

182. These same men say also, but I do not believe them, that the god

himself comes often to the cell and rests upon the couch, as happens

likewise in the Egyptian Thebes according to the report of the

Egyptians, for there also a woman sleeps in the temple of the Theban

Zeus (and both these women are said to abstain from commerce with men),

and as happens also with the prophetess 187 of the god in Patara of

Lykia, whenever there is one, for there is not always an Oracle there,

but whenever there is one, then she is shut up during the nights in the

temple within the cell.

183. There is moreover in the temple at Babylon another cell below,

wherein is a great image of Zeus sitting, made of gold, and by it is

placed a large table of gold, and his footstool and seat are of gold

also; and, as the Chaldeans reported, the weight of the gold of which

these things are made is eight hundred talents. Outside this cell is

an altar of gold; and there is also another altar of great size, where

full-grown animals 188 are sacrificed, whereas on the golden altar it

is not lawful to sacrifice any but young sucklings only: and also on the

larger altar the Chaldeans offer one thousand talents of frankincense

every year at the time when they celebrate the feast in honour of this

god. There was moreover in these precincts still remaining at the time

of Cyrus, 189 a statue twelve cubits high, of gold and solid. This I

did not myself see, but that which is related by the Chaldeans I relate.

Against this statue Dareios the son of Hystaspes formed a design, but

he did not venture to take it: it was taken however by Xerxes the son of

Dareios, who also killed the priest when he forbade him to meddle with

the statue. This temple, then, is thus adorned with magnificence, and

there are also many private votive-offerings.

184. Of this Babylon, besides many other rulers, of whom I shall make

mention in the Assyrian history, and who added improvement to the walls

and temples, there were also two who were women. Of these, the one who

ruled first, named Semiramis, who lived five generations before the

other, produced banks of earth in the plain which are a sight worth

seeing; and before this the river used to flood like a sea over the

whole plain.

185. The queen who lived after her time, named Nitocris, was wiser than

she who had reigned before; and in the first place she left behind her

monuments which I shall tell of; then secondly, seeing that the monarchy

of the Medes was great and not apt to remain still, but that besides

other cities even Nineveh had been captured by it, she made provision

against it in so far as she was able. First, as regards the river

Euphrates which flows through the midst of their city, whereas before

this it flowed straight, she by digging channels above made it so

winding that it actually comes three times in its course to one of the

villages in Assyria; and the name of the village to which the Euphrates

comes is Ardericca; and at this day those who travel from this Sea of

ours to Babylon, in their voyage down the river Euphrates 18901 arrive

three times at this same village and on three separate days. This she

did thus; and she also piled up a mound along each bank of the river,

which is worthy to cause wonder for its size and height: and at a great

distance above Babylon, she dug a basin for a lake, which she caused to

extend along at a very small distance from the river, 190 excavating it

everywhere of such depth as to come to water, and making the extent such

that the circuit of it measured four hundred and twenty furlongs: and

the earth which was dug out of this excavation she used up by piling it

in mounds along the banks of the river: and when this had been dug by

her she brought stones and set them all round it as a facing wall. Both

these two things she did, that is she made the river to have a winding

course, and she made the place which was dug out all into a swamp, in

order that the river might run more slowly, having its force broken

by going round many bends, and that the voyages might be winding to

Babylon, and after the voyages there might succeed a long circuit of the

pool. These works she carried out in that part where the entrance to the

country was, and the shortest way to it from Media, so that the Medes

might not have dealings with her kingdom and learn of her affairs.

186. These defences she cast round her city from the depth; and she made

the following addition which was dependent upon them:—The city was in

two divisions, and the river occupied the space between; and in the

time of the former rulers, when any one wished to pass over from the

one division to the other, he had to pass over in a boat, and that, as I

imagine, was troublesome: she however made provision also for this; for

when she was digging the basin for the lake she left this other monument

of herself derived from the same work, that is, she caused stones to be

cut of very great length, and when the stones were prepared for her and

the place had been dug out, she turned aside the whole stream of the

river into the place which she had been digging; and while this was

being filled with water, the ancient bed of the river being dried up in

the meantime, she both built up with baked bricks after the same fashion

as the wall the edges of the river, where it flows through the city, and

the places of descent leading from the small gateways to the river; and

also about the middle of the city, as I judge, with the stones which

she had caused to be dug out she proceeded to build a bridge, binding

together the stones with iron and lead: and upon the top she laid

squared timbers across, to remain there while it was daytime, over which

the people of Babylon made the passage across; but at night they used to

take away these timbers for this reason, namely that they might not go

backwards and forwards by night and steal from one another: and when the

place dug out had been made into a lake full of water by the river, and

at the same time the bridge had been completed, then she conducted the

Euphrates back into its ancient channel from the lake, and so the

place dug out being made into a swamp was thought to have served a good

purpose, and there had been a bridge set up for the men of the city.

187. This same queen also contrived a snare of the following kind:—Over

that gate of the city through which the greatest number of people passed

she set up for herself a tomb above the very gate itself. And on the

tomb she engraved writing which said thus: "If any of the kings of

Babylon who come after me shall be in want of wealth, let him open my

tomb and take as much as he desires; but let him not open it for any

other cause, if he be not in want; for that will not be well." 191 This

tomb was undisturbed until the kingdom came to Dareios; but to Dareios

it seemed that it was a monstrous thing not to make any use of this

gate, and also, when there was money lying there, not to take it,

considering that the money itself invited him to do so. Now the reason

why he would not make any use of this gate was because the corpse would

have been above his head as he drove through. He then, I say, opened the

tomb and found not indeed money but the corpse, with writing which said

thus: "If thou hadst not been insatiable of wealth and basely covetous,

thou wouldest not have opened the resting-places of the dead."

188. This queen then is reported to have been such as I have described:

and it was the son of this woman, bearing the same name as his father,

Labynetos, and being ruler over the Assyrians, against whom Cyrus was

marching. Now the great king makes his marches not only well furnished

192 from home with provisions for his table and with cattle, but also

taking with him water from the river Choaspes, which flows by Susa, of

which alone and of no other river the king drinks: and of this water of

the Choaspes boiled, a very great number of waggons, four-wheeled

and drawn by mules, carry a supply in silver vessels, and go with him

wherever he may march at any time.

189. Now when Cyrus on his way towards Babylon arrived at the river

Gyndes,—of which river the springs are in the mountains of the

Matienians, and it flows through the Dardanians and runs into another

river, the Tigris, which flowing by the city of Opis runs out into the

Erythraian Sea,—when Cyrus, I say, was endeavouring to cross this river

Gyndes, which is a navigable stream, then one of his sacred white horses

in high spirit and wantonness went into the river and endeavoured to

cross, but the stream swept it under water and carried it off forthwith.

And Cyrus was greatly moved with anger against the river for having done

thus insolently, and he threatened to make it so feeble that for the

future even women could cross it easily without wetting the knee. So

after this threat he ceased from his march against Babylon and divided

his army into two parts; and having divided it he stretched lines and

marked out straight channels, 193 one hundred and eighty on each bank of

the Gyndes, directed every way, and having disposed his army along them

he commanded them to dig: so, as a great multitude was working, the work

was completed indeed, but they spent the whole summer season at this

spot working.

190. When Cyrus had taken vengeance on the river Gyndes by dividing it

into three hundred and sixty channels, and when the next spring was just

beginning, then at length he continued his advance upon Babylon: and

the men of Babylon had marched forth out of their city and were awaiting

him. So when in his advance he came near to the city, the Babylonians

joined battle with him, and having been worsted in the fight they were

shut up close within their city. But knowing well even before this that

Cyrus was not apt to remain still, and seeing him lay hands on every

nation equally, they had brought in provisions beforehand 194 for very

many years. So while these made no account of the siege, Cyrus was

in straits what to do, for much time went by and his affairs made no

progress onwards.

191. Therefore, whether it was some other man who suggested it to him

when he was in a strait what to do, or whether he of himself perceived

what he ought to do, he did as follows:—The main body of his army 195 he

posted at the place where the river runs into the city, and then again

behind the city he set others, where the river issues forth from the

city; and he proclaimed to his army that so soon as they should see that

the stream had become passable, they should enter by this way into the

city. Having thus set them in their places and in this manner exhorted

them he marched away himself with that part of his army which was not

fit for fighting: and when he came to the lake, Cyrus also did the same

things which the queen of the Babylonians had done as regards the river

and the lake; that is to say, he conducted the river by a channel into

the lake, which was at that time a swamp, and so made the former course

of the river passable by the sinking of the stream. When this had been

done in such a manner, the Persians who had been posted for this very

purpose entered by the bed of the river Euphrates into Babylon, the

stream having sunk so far that it reached about to the middle of a man's

thigh. Now if the Babylonians had had knowledge of it beforehand or had

perceived that which was being done by Cyrus, they would have allowed

196 the Persians to enter the city and then destroyed them miserably;

for if they had closed all the gates that led to the river and mounted

themselves upon the ramparts which were carried along the banks of the

stream, they would have caught them as it were in a fish-wheal: but as

it was, the Persians came upon them unexpectedly; and owing to the size

of the city (so it is said by those who dwell there) after those about

the extremities of the city had suffered capture, those Babylonians who

dwelt in the middle did not know that they had been captured; but

as they chanced to be holding a festival, they went on dancing and

rejoicing during this time until they learnt the truth only too well.

Babylon then had thus been taken for the first time:

192, and as to the resources of the Babylonians how great they are, I

shall show by many other proofs and among them also by this:—For the

support of the great king and his army, apart from the regular tribute

the whole land of which he is ruler has been distributed into portions.

Now whereas twelve months go to make up the year, for four of these he

has his support from the territory of Babylon, and for the remaining

eight months from the whole of the rest of Asia; thus the Assyrian

land is in regard to resources the third part of all Asia: and the

government, or satrapy as it is called by the Persians, of this

territory is of all the governments by far the best; seeing that when

Tritantaichmes son of Artabazos had this province from the king, there

came in to him every day an artab full of silver coin (now the artab

is a Persian measure and holds more than the medimnos of Attica 197 by

three Attic choinikes); and of horses he had in this province as his

private property, apart from the horses for use in war, eight hundred

stallions and sixteen thousand mares, for each of these stallions served

twenty mares: of Indian hounds moreover such a vast number were

kept that four large villages in the plain, being free from other

contributions, had been appointed to provide food for the hounds.

193. Such was the wealth which belonged to the ruler of Babylon. Now

the land of the Assyrians has but little rain; and this little gives

nourishment to the root of the corn, but the crop is ripened and the ear

comes on by the help of watering from the river, not as in Egypt by the

coming up of the river itself over the fields, but the crop is watered

by hand or with swing-buckets. For the whole Babylonian territory like

the Egyptian is cut up into channels, and the largest of the channels is

navigable for ships and runs in the direction of the sunrising in winter

from the Euphrates to another river, namely the Tigris, along the bank

of which lay the city of Nineveh. This territory is of all that we know

the best by far for producing corn: 198 as to trees, 199 it does

not even attempt to bear them, either fig or vine or olive, but for

producing corn it is so good that it s as much as two-hundred-fold

for the average, and when it bears at its best it produces

three-hundred-fold. The leaves of the wheat and barley there grow to

be full four fingers broad; and from millet and sesame seed how large

a tree grows, I know myself but shall not record, being well aware that

even what has already been said relating to the crops produced has been

enough to cause disbelief in those who have not visited the Babylonian

land. They use no oil of olives, but only that which they make of sesame

seed; and they have date-palms growing over all the plain, most of them

fruit-bearing, of which they make both solid food and wine and honey;

and to these they attend in the same manner as to fig-trees, and in

particular they take the fruit of those palms which the Hellenes call

male-palms, and tie them upon the date-bearing palms, so that their

gall-fly may enter into the date and ripen it and that the fruit of

the palm may not fall off: for the male-palm produces gall-flies in its

fruit just as the wild-fig does.

194. But the greatest marvel of all the things in the land after the

city itself, to my mind is this which I am about to tell: Their boats,

those I mean which go down the river to Babylon, are round and all of

leather: for they make ribs for them of willow which they cut in the

land of the Armenians who dwell above the Assyrians, and round these

they stretch hides which serve as a covering outside by way of hull, not

making broad the stern nor gathering in the prow to a point, but making

the boats round like a shield: and after that they stow the whole boat

with straw and suffer it to be carried down the stream full of cargo;

and for the most part these boats bring down casks of palm-wood 200

filled with wine. The boat is kept straight by two steering-oars and

two men standing upright, and the man inside pulls his oar while the man

outside pushes. 201 These vessels are made both of very large size and

also smaller, the largest of them having a burden of as much as five

thousand talents' weight; 202 and in each one there is a live ass, and

in those of larger size several. So when they have arrived at Babylon in

their voyage and have disposed of their cargo, they sell by auction the

ribs of the boat and all the straw, but they pack the hides upon their

asses and drive them off to Armenia: for up the stream of the river

it is not possible by any means to sail, owing to the swiftness of the

current; and for this reason they make their boats not of timber but

of hides. Then when they have come back to the land of the Armenians,

driving their asses with them, they make other boats in the same manner.

195. Such are their boats; and the following is the manner of dress

which they use, namely a linen tunic reaching to the feet, and over this

they put on another of wool, and then a white mantle thrown round, while

they have shoes of a native fashion rather like the Boeotian slippers.

They wear their hair long and bind their heads round with fillets, 203

and they are anointed over the whole of their body with perfumes. Each

man has a seal and a staff carved by hand, and on each staff is carved

either an apple or a rose or a lily or an eagle or some other device,

for it is not their custom to have a staff without a device upon it.

196. Such is the equipment of their bodies: and the customs which are

established among them are as follows, the wisest in our opinion being

this, which I am informed that the Enetoi in Illyria also have. In every

village once in each year it was done as follows:—When the maidens

204 grew to the age for marriage, they gathered these all together and

brought them in a body to one place, and round them stood a company of

men: and the crier caused each one severally to stand up, and proceeded

to sell them, first the most comely of all, and afterwards, when she had

been sold and had fetched a large sum of money, he would put up another

who was the most comely after her: and they were sold for marriage. Now

all the wealthy men of the Babylonians who were ready to marry vied with

one another in bidding for the most beautiful maidens; those however of

the common sort who were ready to marry did not require a fine form, but

they would accept money together with less comely maidens. For when the

crier had made an end of selling the most comely of the maidens, then

he would cause to stand up that one who was least shapely, or any one of

them who might be crippled in any way, and he would make proclamation

of her, asking who was willing for least gold to have her in marriage,

until she was assigned to him who was willing to accept least: and the

gold would be got from the sale of the comely maidens, and so those

of beautiful form provided dowries for those which were unshapely or

crippled; but to give in marriage one's own daughter to whomsoever each

man would, was not allowed, nor to carry off the maiden after buying her

without a surety; for it was necessary for the man to provide sureties

that he would marry her, before he took her away; and if they did not

agree well together, the law was laid down that he should pay back

the money. It was allowed also for any one who wished it to come from

another village and buy. This then was their most honourable custom; it

does not however still exist at the present time, but they have found

out of late another way, in order that the men may not ill-treat them or

take them to another city: 205 for since the time when being conquered

they were oppressed and ruined, each one of the common people when he is

in want of livelihood prostitutes his female children.

197. Next in wisdom to that, is this other custom which was established

206 among them:—they bear out the sick into the market-place; for of

physicians they make no use. So people come up to the sick man and give

advice about his disease, if any one himself has ever suffered anything

like that which the sick man has, or saw any other who had suffered

it; and coming near they advise and recommend those means by which they

themselves got rid of a like disease or seen some other get rid of it:

and to pass by the sick man in silence is not permitted to them, nor

until one has asked what disease he has.

198. They bury their dead in honey, and their modes of lamentation

are similar to those used in Egypt. And whenever a Babylonian man has

intercourse with his wife, he sits by incense offered, and his wife does

the same on the other side, and when it is morning they wash themselves,

both of them, for they will touch no vessel until they have washed

themselves: and the Arabians do likewise in this matter.

199. Now the most shameful of the customs of the Babylonians is as

follows: every woman of the country must sit down in the precincts 207

of Aphrodite once in her life and have commerce with a man who is a

stranger: and many women who do not deign to mingle with the rest,

because they are made arrogant by wealth, drive to the temple with pairs

of horses in covered carriages, and so take their place, and a large

number of attendants follow after them; but the greater number do

thus,—in the sacred enclosure of Aphrodite sit great numbers of women

with a wreath of cord about their heads; some come and others go; and

there are passages in straight lines going between the women in every

direction, 208 through which the strangers pass by and make their

choice. Here when a woman takes her seat she does not depart again to

her house until one of the strangers has thrown a silver coin into her

lap and has had commerce with her outside the temple, and after throwing

it he must say these words only: "I demand thee in the name of the

goddess Mylitta": 209 now Mylitta is the name given by the Assyrians to

Aphrodite: and the silver coin may be of any value; whatever it is she

will not refuse it, for that is not lawful for her, seeing that this

coin is made sacred by the act: and she follows the man who has first

thrown and does not reject any: and after that she departs to her house,

having acquitted herself of her duty to the goddess 210, nor will you

be able thenceforth to give any gift so great as to win her. So then as

many as have attained to beauty and stature 211 are speedily released,

but those of them who are unshapely remain there much time, not being

able to fulfil the law; for some of them remain even as much as three or

four years: and in some parts of Cyprus too there is a custom similar to

this.

200. These customs then are established among the Babylonians: and there

are of them three tribes 212 which eat nothing but fish only: and when

they have caught them and dried them in the sun they do thus,—they

throw them into brine, and then pound them with pestles and strain them

through muslin; and they have them for food either kneaded into a soft

cake, or baked like bread, according to their liking.

201. When this nation also had been subdued by Cyrus, he had a desire to

bring the Massagetai into subjection to himself. This nation is reputed

to be both great and warlike, and to dwell towards the East and the

sunrising, beyond the river Araxes and over against 213 the Issedonians:

and some also say that this nation is of Scythian race.

202. Now the Araxes is said by some to be larger and by others to be

smaller than the Ister: and they say that there are many islands in it

about equal in size to Lesbos, and in them people dwelling who feed in

the summer upon roots of all kinds which they dig up and certain fruits

from trees, which have been discovered by them for food, they store up,

it is said, in the season when they are ripe and feed upon them in the

winter. Moreover it is said that other trees have been discovered by

them which yield fruit of such a kind that when they have assembled

together in companies in the same place and lighted a fire, they sit

round in a circle and throw some of it into the fire, and they smell the

fruit which is thrown on, as it burns, and are intoxicated by the scent

as the Hellenes are with wine, and when more of the fruit is thrown on

they become more intoxicated, until at last they rise up to dance and

begin to sing. This is said to be their manner of living: and as to the

river Araxes, it flows from the land of the Matienians, whence flows the

Gyndes which Cyrus divided into the three hundred and sixty channels,

and it discharges itself by forty branches, of which all except one end

in swamps and shallow pools; and among them they say that men dwell who

feed on fish eaten raw, and who are wont to use as clothing the skins of

seals: but the one remaining branch of the Araxes flows with unimpeded

course into the Caspian Sea.

203. Now the Caspian Sea is apart by itself, not having connection with

the other Sea: for all that Sea which the Hellenes navigate, and the Sea

beyond the Pillars, which is called Atlantis, and the Erythraian Sea are

in fact all one, but the Caspian is separate and lies apart by itself.

In length it is a voyage of fifteen days if one uses oars, 214 and

in breadth, where it is broadest, a voyage of eight days. On the side

towards the West of this Sea the Caucasus runs along by it, which is of

all mountain-ranges both the greatest in extent and the loftiest: and

the Caucasus has many various races of men dwelling in it, living for

the most part on the wild produce of the forests; and among them

there are said to be trees which produce leaves of such a kind that by

pounding them and mixing water with them they paint figures upon their

garments, and the figures do not wash out, but grow old with the woollen

stuff as if they had been woven into it at the first: and men say that

the sexual intercourse of these people is open like that of cattle.

204. On the West then of this Sea which is called Caspian the Caucasus

is the boundary, while towards the East and the rising sun a plain

succeeds which is of limitless extent to the view. Of this great plain

then the Massagetai occupy a large part, against whom Cyrus had become

eager to march; for there were many strong reasons which incited him to

it and urged him onwards,—first the manner of his birth, that is to say

the opinion held of him that he was more than a mere mortal man,

and next the success which he had met with 215 in his wars, for

whithersoever Cyrus directed his march, it was impossible for that

nation to escape.

205. Now the ruler of the Massagetai was a woman, who was queen after

the death of her husband, and her name was Tomyris. To her Cyrus sent

and wooed her, pretending that he desired to have her for his wife:

but Tomyris understanding that he was wooing not herself but rather

the kingdom of the Massagetai, rejected his approaches: and Cyrus

after this, as he made no progress by craft, marched to the Araxes, and

proceeded to make an expedition openly against the Massagetai, forming

bridges of boats over the river for his army to cross, and building

towers upon the vessels which gave them passage across the river.

206. While he was busied about this labour, Tomyris sent a herald and

said thus: "O king of the Medes, cease to press forward the work which

thou art now pressing forward; for thou canst not tell whether these

things will be in the end for thy advantage or no; cease to do so, I

say, and be king over thine own people, and endure to see us ruling

those whom we rule. Since however I know that thou wilt not be willing

to receive this counsel, but dost choose anything rather than to be

at rest, therefore if thou art greatly anxious to make trial of the

Massagetai in fight, come now, leave that labour which thou hast in

yoking together the banks of the river, and cross over into our land,

when we have first withdrawn three days' journey from the river: or if

thou desirest rather to receive us into your land, do thou this same

thing thyself." Having heard this Cyrus called together the first men

among the Persians, and having gathered these together he laid the

matter before them for discussion, asking their advice as to which

of the two things he should do: and their opinions all agreed in one,

bidding him receive Tomyris and her army into his country.

207. But Croesus the Lydian, being present and finding fault with this

opinion, declared an opinion opposite to that which had been set forth,

saying as follows: "O king, I told thee in former time also, that since

Zeus had given me over to thee, I would avert according to my power

whatever occasion of falling I might see coming near thy house: and now

my sufferings, which have been bitter, 216 have proved to be lessons of

wisdom to me. If thou dost suppose that thou art immortal and that thou

dost command an army which is also immortal, it will be of no use for me

to declare to thee my judgment; but if thou hast perceived that thou art

a mortal man thyself and dost command others who are so likewise, then

learn this first, that for the affairs of men there is a revolving

wheel, and that this in its revolution suffers not the same persons

always to have good fortune. I therefore now have an opinion about the

matter laid before us, which is opposite to that of these men: for if we

shall consent to receive the enemy into our land, there is for thee this

danger in so doing:—if thou shalt be worsted thou wilt lose in addition

all thy realm, for it is evident that if the Massagetai are victors they

will not turn back and fly, but will march upon the provinces of thy

realm; and on the other hand if thou shalt be the victor, thou wilt not

be victor so fully as if thou shouldest overcome the Massagetai after

crossing over into their land and shouldest pursue them when they fled.

For against that which I said before I will set the same again here, and

say that thou, when thou hast conquered, wilt march straight against

the realm of Tomyris. Moreover besides that which has been said, it is

a disgrace and not to be endured that Cyrus the son of Cambyses should

yield to a woman and so withdraw from her land. Now therefore it seems

good to me that we should cross over and go forward from the crossing as

far as they go in their retreat, and endeavour to get the better of

them by doing as follows:—The Massagetai, as I am informed, are without

experience of Persian good things, and have never enjoyed any great

luxuries. Cut up therefore cattle without stint and dress the meat

and set out for these men a banquet in our camp: moreover also provide

without stint bowls of unmixed wine and provisions of every kind; and

having so done, leave behind the most worthless part of thy army and let

the rest begin to retreat from the camp towards the river: for if I

am not mistaken in my judgment, they when they see a quantity of good

things will fall to the feast, and after that it remains for us to

display great deeds."

208. These were the conflicting opinions; and Cyrus, letting go the

former opinion and choosing that of Croesus, gave notice to Tomyris to

retire, as he was intending to cross over to her. She then proceeded to

retire, as she had at first engaged to do, but Cyrus delivered Croesus

into the hands of his son Cambyses, to whom he meant to give the

kingdom, and gave him charge earnestly to honour him and to treat him

well, if the crossing over to go against the Massagetai should not be

prosperous. Having thus charged him and sent these away to the land of

the Persians, he crossed over the river both himself and his army.

209. And when he had passed over the Araxes, night having come on he saw

a vision in his sleep in the land of the Massagetai, as follows:—in his

sleep it seemed to Cyrus that he saw the eldest of the sons of Hystaspes

having upon his shoulders wings, and that with the one of these he

overshadowed Asia and with the other Europe. Now of Hystaspes the son

of Arsames, who was a man of the Achaimenid clan, the eldest son was

Dareios, who was then, I suppose, a youth of about twenty years of age,

and he had been left behind in the land of the Persians, for he was

not yet of full age to go out to the wars. So then when Cyrus awoke he

considered with himself concerning the vision: and as the vision seemed

to him to be of great import, he called Hystaspes, and having taken him

apart by himself he said: "Hystaspes, thy son has been found plotting

against me and against my throne: and how I know this for certain I will

declare to thee:—The gods have a care of me and show me beforehand all

the evils that threaten me. So in the night that is past while sleeping

I saw the eldest of thy sons having upon his shoulders wings, and with

the one of these he overshadowed Asia and with the other Europe. To

judge by this vision then, it cannot be but that he is plotting against

me. Do thou therefore go by the quickest way back to Persia and take

care that, when I thither after having subdued these regions, thou set

thy son before me to be examined."

210. Cyrus said thus supposing that Dareios was plotting against him;

but in fact the divine powers were showing him beforehand that he was

destined to find his end there and that his kingdom was coming about

to Dareios. To this then Hystaspes replied as follows: "O king, heaven

forbid 217 that there should be any man of Persian race who would plot

against thee, and if there be any, I pray that he perish as quickly as

may be; seeing that thou didst make the Persians to be free instead of

slaves, and to rule all nations instead of being ruled by others. And if

any vision announces to thee that my son is planning rebellion against

thee, I deliver him over to thee to do with him whatsoever thou wilt."

211. Hystaspes then, having made answer with these words and having

crossed over the Araxes, was going his way to the Persian land to keep

watch over his son Dareios for Cyrus; and Cyrus meanwhile went forward

and made a march of one day from the Araxes according to the suggestion

of Croesus. After this when Cyrus and the best part of the army 218 of

the Persians had marched back to the Araxes, and those who were unfit

for fighting had been left behind, then a third part of the army of

the Massagetai came to the attack and proceeded to slay, not without

resistance, 219 those who were left behind of the army of Cyrus; and

seeing the feast that was set forth, when they had overcome their

enemies they lay down and feasted, and being satiated with food and wine

they went to sleep. Then the Persians came upon them and slew many of

them, and took alive many more even than they slew, and among these the

son of the queen Tomyris, who was leading the army of the Massagetai;

and his name was Spargapises.

212. She then, when she heard that which had come to pass concerning the

army and also the things concerning her son, sent a herald to Cyrus and

said as follows: "Cyrus, insatiable of blood, be not elated with pride

by this which has come to pass, namely because with that fruit of the

vine, with which ye fill yourselves and become so mad that as the wine

descends into your bodies, evil words float up upon its stream,—because

setting a snare, I say, with such a drug as this thou didst overcome my

son, and not by valour in fight. Now therefore receive the word which

I utter, giving thee good advice:—Restore to me my son and depart from

this land without penalty, triumphant over a third part of the army of

the Massagetai: but if thou shalt not do so, I swear to thee by the Sun,

who is lord of the Massagetai, that surely I will give thee thy fill of

blood, insatiable as thou art."

213. When these words were reported to him Cyrus made no account of

them; and the son of the queen Tomyris, Spargapises, when the wine left

him and he learnt in what evil case he was, entreated Cyrus that he

might be loosed from his chains and gained his request, and then so

soon as he was loosed and had got power over his hands he put himself to

death.

214. He then ended his life in this manner; but Tomyris, as Cyrus did

not listen to her, gathered together all her power and joined battle

with Cyrus. This battle of all the battles fought by Barbarians I

judge to have been the fiercest, and I am informed that it happened

thus:—first, it is said, they stood apart and shot at one another, and

afterwards when their arrows were all shot away, they fell upon one

another and engaged in close combat with their spears and daggers; and

so they continued to be in conflict with one another for a long time,

and neither side would flee; but at last the Massagetai got the better

in the fight: and the greater part of the Persian army was destroyed

there on the spot, and Cyrus himself brought his life to an end there,

after he had reigned in all thirty years wanting one. Then Tomyris

filled a skin with human blood and had search made among the Persian

dead for the corpse of Cyrus: and when she found it, she let his head

down into the skin and doing outrage to the corpse she said at the

same time this: "Though I yet live and have overcome thee in fight,

nevertheless thou didst undo me by taking my son with craft: but I

according to my threat will give thee thy fill of blood." Now as regards

the end of the life of Cyrus there are many tales told, but this which I

have related is to my mind the most worthy of belief.

215. As to the Massagetai, they wear a dress which is similar to that of

the Scythians, and they have a manner of life which is also like theirs;

and there are of them horsemen and also men who do not ride on horses

(for they have both fashions), and moreover there are both archers

and spearmen, and their custom it is to carry battle-axes; 220 and for

everything they use either gold or bronze, for in all that has to do

with spear-points or arrow-heads or battle-axes they use bronze, but for

head-dresses and girdles and belts round the arm-pits 221 they employ

gold as ornament: and in like manner as regards their horses, they put

breast-plates of bronze about their chests, but on their bridles and

bits and cheek-pieces they employ gold. Iron however and silver they use

not at all, for they have them not in their land, but gold and bronze in

abundance.

216. These are the customs which they have:—Each marries a wife, but

they have their wives in common; for that which the Hellenes say that

the Scythians do, is not in fact done by the Scythians but by the

Massagetai, that is to say, whatever woman a man of the Massagetai may

desire he hangs up his quiver in front of the waggon and has commerce

with her freely. They have no precise limit of age laid down for their

life, but when a man becomes very old, his nearest of kin come together

and slaughter him solemnly 222 and cattle also with him; and then after

that they boil the flesh and banquet upon it. This is considered by them

the happiest lot; but him who has ended his life by disease they do not

eat, but cover him up in the earth, counting it a misfortune that he did

not attain to being slaughtered. They sow no crops but live on cattle

and on fish, which last they get in abundance from the river Araxes;

moreover they are drinkers of milk. Of gods they reverence the Sun

alone, and to him they sacrifice horses: and the rule 223 of the

sacrifice is this:—to the swiftest of the gods they assign the swiftest

of all mortal things.

—————

Edition & Source

Author
Ἡρόδοτος Herodotus
Greek Text
Perseus Digital Library
Translation
G.C. Macaulay (1890)